In India, shibboleths targeting minorities is not new. They have been part of the socio-economic and religious orders of the country since at least the 1920s. Their frequency, however, has increased in more recent times. It is important for us to understand the complex antecedents of such divisive political campaigns.
In this regard, Direndra K. Jha’s recent biography of Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, is quite relevant. Painstakingly researched and presented in a coherent manner, Golwalkar: The Myth Behind the Man, The Man Behind the Machine, pierces through the many ‘legends’ built around this personality by his loyalists. It also provides a scathing critique of the demigod and his organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). A fascinating story is narrated about the emergence and popularity of Golwalkar, on the one hand, and the pan-India expansion of the RSS, on the other.
Dhirendra K Jha’s,
Golwalkar: The Myth Behind the Man, The Man Behind the Machine,
Simon and Schuster (2024)
Early days
Regarded as one of the most secretive personalities of modern India, M.S. Golwalkar was born to Sadashivrao and Laxmibai Golwalkar in a Marathi Karhade Brahmin family in Ramtek, near Pune in Maharashtra, in 1906.
Like his later years, Golwalkar’s childhood and his earliest years as a school and college going boy is shrouded in mystery. In fact, Jha rightly notes that these years of the demigod are known, ‘strictly through the prism of the adult Golwalkar’s political career and ideology’.
However, what we do know is that he came from a financially unstable and poor family. Golwalkar had never been a student with an academic bent of mind. Having just scraped through school and college, his future was, indeed, quite bleak. It is, however, not surprising that his hagiographers have conveniently ignored this aspect of his life.
The Guru, for these authors, was a person with exceptional intelligence since his childhood and was unblemished. Interestingly, Golwalkar himself closely scrutinised the contents of each and every work that was written about him. And only those works which ascribed to his world view were ‘accepted’ by him. Works of Gangadhar Indurkar and Narayan Hari Palkar are case in point. Both these works contain hyperbolic descriptions of Golwalkar’s early years.
Of course, as Jha notes, these were not the only books of this nature. He mentions many other books which sing paeans of Golwalkar. In fact, we are informed that works written by the Guru’s loyalists were published regularly even after his death.
Golwalkar’s time in Chennai
Golwalkar’s time in Madras (Chennai) in search of a job, is also, like his early years, rather fascinating, but little known. His long stay in Madras played a crucial role in shaping his beliefs and understanding about diverse socio-political and religious problems. It was also here that his interest in religious and philosophical matters became discernible.
Golwalkar, who couldn’t converse in Tamil and was unfamiliar with the local traditions, became a loner. He also became quite conscious about himself and his public conduct. These traits remained an integral part of his personality throughout his life.
Also read: Golwalkar: The Father of Indian Fascism
For Golwalkar, his days in the Madras Presidency were also important as they helped shape his political views. In this regard, his letters to one of his friends, one Baburao Tailang, are quite revealing. The correspondences show that, while he was appreciative of Bhagat Singh and his comrades’ political outlook, he had utter contempt for Mahatma Gandhi and his style of functioning. He, in fact, ridiculed Gandhi’s concept of ahimsa. Golkwalkar perceived the nonviolence as worthless as far as attaining freedom was concerned.
Surprisingly, while Golwalkar was a great admirer of Hinduism and texts like the Manusmriti, he was initially critical of the RSS. One of his letters sent to Tailang attest to this. In this letter, he rebuked his friend for allowing his younger brother to become a member of the right-wing organisation. For Golwalkar, the RSS at the time brainwashed youngsters and distracted them from their academic work. The dislike was, of course, as is known, short-lived.
Golwalkar’s stint at BHU
In 1931, Golwalkar joined the Banaras Hindu University (BHU), as a lab assistant (emphasis added) in the Zoology Department. One of his friends, mentioned in his letters as Shri Desai, played a pivotal role in getting Golwalkar this job.
Golwalkar’s stint in BHU was critical as it changed and crystallised his views, especially with regard to the RSS and its parent body, the Hindu Mahasabha. His interactions with students, many of whom were Maharashtrian Brahmins, and colleagues, who were either active members or RSS sympathisers, played an important role.
No longer wary of the RSS, Golwalkar started taking an active part in the functioning of the organisation. Interestingly, as Jha notes, the RSS itself was undergoing a transformation in this period. The right-wing organisation, which until then was limited to Nagpur and its vicinities, was trying to make its presence felt in areas outside the central province. In this endeavour the RSS received immense help from Hindu Mahasabha.
M.S. Golwalkar. Photo: Wikimedia commons
Golwalkar’s discernible interest in the RSS was accompanied by his newfound fascination for the founders of the ultra rightwing group – B.S. Moonje, K.B. Hedgewar and V.D. Savarkar. He was especially enamoured with Savarkar and Hedgewar. He openly showed his admiration for Savarkar’s, Hindutva: Who is a Hindu?. Written by the ‘father’ of Hindutva politics in 1923, while Savarkar was still in jail, the monograph was and is still considered a guiding text of the Hindu Mahasabha and the RSS.
The book, ‘claimed the whole of India for Hindus by virtue of the fact that they alone, and not Muslims or Christians, considered its territory sacred’. Savarkar, through this book, sought an attempt to ‘channel the dominant anti-British sentiment into anti-Muslim action’. The publication, in this sense, supported the policy of divide and rule of the British colonial state. Significantly, like his wariness of the RSS, Golwalkar’s admiration for Savarkar, was too short-lived. He soon shifted his focus to one of the founders of the RSS, K.B. Hedgewar, and became his devout disciple.
By mid-1930s, Golwalkar was completely enamoured by Hedgewar, even conducting himself as an emissary of his at times. While Golwalkar showed his admiration quite explicitly, Hedgewar showed no special interest in the former. Golwalkar did not figure in any capacity in any of Hedgewar’s letters. The first meeting between Golwalkar and Hedgewar took place only after the former’s return to Nagpur from BHU. The meeting was arranged by RSS activists: Sadgopal and Bhaiyyaji Dani. Despite this meeting, Golwalkar remained on the periphery of the RSS for a long time. For him, becoming a part of Hedgewar’s inner coterie was still a distant dream.
Golkwalkar’s stint as a monk
While he had immersed himself completely in RSS activities, Golkwalkar was still jobless and without a permanent source of income. Additionally, he was facing increasing pressure from his father, who wanted his son to be financially stable. To address these issues, the demigod flirted with the idea of becoming a lawyer and even cleared the required exams. However, this too was a short lived interest, and soon he decided to become a ‘monk’.
Once he chose this path, Golwalkar never looked back at academics. His initiation into monkhood began once he shifted his base to Sargachi, the headquarters of the Ramakrishna Mission, in Bengal. Besides being a devout disciple of the Ashram, Golwalkar, was searching for ways to make himself relevant in the RSS circles. His stay in the ashram was short-lived. And soon he returned to his parents in Nagpur.
During his stay in Nagpur, Golwalkar translated two important works into English, namely, Swami Vivekananda’s speech on Hindu philosophy, delivered in 1893 at the World Parliament of Religions at Chicago, and Babarao Savarkar’s Marathi work, Rashtra Mimansa Wa Hindusthanchen Rashtraswaroop. While the former was translated in 1937, the latter was translated in 1938.
Rashtra Mimansa Wa Hindusthanchen Rashtraswaroop was rooted in V.D. Savarkar’s 1923 monograph, Hindutva, and sought to elaborate upon many of the virulent ideas delineated by the Hindutva ideologue. For Golwalkar personally, the translation of these two books was important as it helped him get noticed by RSS’ senior leaders, including Hedgewar. It may, however, be mentioned that the English version of Rashtra was never published.
Golkwalkar’s rise in the RSS
Interestingly, however, as Jha notes, Golwalkar was still not gratified by Hedgewar. For the founder of the RSS, it was Gopal Mukund Huddar who was a preferred choice as far as leading the organisation was concerned. Significantly, the closer association between Hedgewar and Huddar soon came to an abrupt end. This was following the latter’s visit to England, where he came in contact with the communists and subsequently became a member of the resistance movement against Franco.
Huddar’s active participation in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), exposed him to a range of liberal and Left–oriented ideas. And this in turn led to his disillusionment and disassociation with the divisive politics of the RSS and Hedgewar. This development paved the way for Golwalkar to forge a close association with Hedgewar.
Devoting himself completely to his mentor, he gradually became his most-trusted aide. In the RSS circles, he was also seen as a person who would succeed Hedgewar, as the sarsanghchalak. In order to make himself relevant in the RSS circles, Golwalkar travelled extensively throughout the country. And this practice continued even after he became the sarsanghchalak, following the death of his mentor. Although there were murmurs of dissent by senior RSS members, they did not last for long.
Also read: Why Golkwalkar Denied Writing ‘We or Our Nationhood Defined’
For RSS, M.S. Golwalkar’s rise as the sarsanghchalak was hugely beneficial. Being fluent in Hindi and English, besides Marathi, allowed Golwalkar to take the teaching of the RSS to areas beyond the narrow confines of Maharashtra. And in due course of time, as the Jha notes, the RSS made its presence felt throughout India.
In addition to his knowledge of multiple languages, Golwalkar’s firm support to the British policy of divide-and-rule and, like his predecessors, his resolve not to take an active part in the national movement, helped Golwalkar carry out his agenda of popularising right-wing politics, without much difficulty.
The RSS, under Golwalkar’s three decade long tenure, underwent a discernible change in character. From being arm-chair activists, the organisation’s cadres began indulging in military style training and, following Golwalkar’s encouragement, openly advocated the use of violent means to get rid of the minorities in India. Under his leadership, the RSS was also able to emerge from the shadows of the Hindu Mahasabha and establish a distinct identity for itself.
We or Our Nationhood Defined
In 1939 the book, We or Our Nationhood Defined, was published. Written by Golwalkar himself, the publication marked an important stage in his political career. Like Babarao Savarkar’s work, this too was rooted in V.D. Savarkar’s Hindutva. Golwalkar in this book elaborated upon many of the ideas delineated in Hindutva, and discussed them explicitly.
However, the work was novel in that it openly supported the Nazi theories of anti-minority and master-race. That he was fascinated by the Nazi and the fascist ideologies is attested to by the book’s contents. And the author too, like Hitler and the Nazi Party, as Jha argues, wanted to get rid of the minorities, particularly the Muslims.
The book incorporated the ‘prejudices, anxieties, and desires of the Hindutva leaders’. Moreover, We or Our Nationhood Defined, sought to counter the secular view of the nationalist leaders. The book, by advocating Hindutva ideology, helped in attracting a large section of the population which adhered to the idea of a Hindu Rashtra. In the process, the book helped immensely in strengthening the position of Golwalkar in the RSS circles. Significantly, the year of publication of the book, 1939, coincided with Hitler’s declaration of total annihilation of the Jews.
Also read: The RSS’s Struggle for Legitimacy: Rewriting India’s Freedom Narrative
Partition, vitriol and Gandhi’s assassination
In the days leading to Partition, the virulent nature of the RSS had become quite explicit. Rather than restricting themselves to browbeating, the rank and file of the organisation started taking active part in the killing sprees which marked this period.
On most occasions, such acts of violence, targeting primarily Muslims, were led and perpetrated solely by the supporters and members of the RSS and other fundamentalist organisations. The numerous cases cited in Golwalkar attest to the fact that the leaders of the RSS played the role of instigators.
This was especially true of Golwalkar himself, the incumbent sarsanghchalak at the time. In various parts of northern India, including Delhi and Punjab, Golwalkar gave hate speeches advocating violence against Muslims. Moreover, based on intelligence reports, Jha demonstrates that on more than one occasion, Golwalkar personally praised those involved in killing Muslims and destroying their homes and livelihood.
While nationalist leaders like Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru were trying their best to bring back sanity, the likes of Golwalkar were going out of their way to ensure that communal frenzy did not subside. In due course of time, the ideologue and the organisation became a headache for the nation.
Jha shows that while Golwalkar met Gandhi on a couple of occasions, his views about the Mahatma did not change in any way. In one of the public meetings of the RSS, he openly advocated for Gandhi’s murder. And on January 30, 1948, this threat became a reality when the Mahatma e was brutally murdered by Nathuram Godse. The killer was a protégé of Golwalkar. Inspired by his hate speeches, Godse too perceived Gandhi as anti-Hindu, who was going out of his way to appease Muslims as well as the newly formed Pakistan. Jha’ s book makes one realise that by blaming Gandhi and Nehru for the partition, and overlooking the dubious role of the British Indian government, the right-wing fundamentalist organisations – RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha – were playing second fiddle to the British, conveniently furthering their agenda.
Nehru vs Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel on the RSS
Golwalkar and the RSS were also the reason for the differences between Nehru and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel during the early days of independence. Both had different perceptions about the ideologue, his speeches, the RSS and its socio-political worldview. While Nehru staunchly opposed the right-wing fundamentalist organisations and viewed people like Golwalkar as a menace, Patel had a soft-corner for both of them. A
Jha, based on a thorough study of archival sources, shows that on many occasions Patel went out of his way to facilitate not just Golwalkar’s visits to Delhi, but also his events. That these differences, rather than getting sorted out, increased with each passing day is attested to by the letters exchanged between the two.
Nehru was neither willing to show any leniency towards the demigod and the RSS nor talk with the sarsanghchalak. Golwalkar, on two occasions, sought an appointment to meet Nehru, but the latter refused. Meanwhile Patel openly supported the RSS and its working style. He even agreed with the political line of the RSS and blamed the Muslims for creating problems, Jha notes.
In due course of time, Nehru and Gandhi distanced themselves from Patel. During one of his interactions with Patel, Gandhi, expressing his disappointment, is recorded to have said, ‘Vallabhbhai, I always thought you and I were one. I begin to see that we are two’.
In the aftermath of Gandhi’s assassination and in the light of public anger and immense political pressure, Patel did ban the RSS and imprisoned Golwalkar. However, it was a temporary shift in his attitude.
The emergence of Jana Sangh
The RSS continued to foment trouble in other parts of the country long after the partition years. A case in point is Kashmir. RSS played a proactive role in vitiating the socio-political climate of the region, Jha notes. Their violence and hate-ridden activities created immense problems for Sheikh Abdullah, Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir (1948-1953). The role of the RSS in creating political turmoil in Kashmir, is a theme which is often ignored by academicians.
The assassination of the Mahatma marked a new stage in RSS’s history. The organisation was forced to change its strategy in light of public anger towards them. It was compelled to cease its violent actions and adopt measures which were acceptable in a sane society. It was also during this time that the RSS began organising a political front, which would represent its agendas and take part in electoral politics. This resulted in the emergence of Jana Sangh. Predecessor of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Jana Sangh was formed by Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, Balraj Madhok and Deendayal Upadhyaya, all active members of the Hindu Mahasabha and the RSS. Golwalkar was still in jail when the party was formed.
While Patel was showing impatience in revoking the ban on RSS and releasing its leader from jail, Nehru wanted to ensure that the ideologue and his cadre accepted the democratic and secular principles of the country and also its Constitution. The Indian government laid down strict conditions for Golwalkar’s release.
The demigod, like his mentor Savarkar, was quick to tender an apology to the government and accept all its conditions without any questions. On his release from prison, Golwalkar found himself in a changed political scenario. His dream of a Hindu Rashtra had taken a big blow. It was in these conditions that he decided to distance himself from active politics and lead the life of a ‘monk’, detached from the world.
At a time when leaders like Nehru and Gandhi are being insulted regularly while individuals like Golwalkar are revered, Dhirendra Jha’s Golwalkar is an eye-opener. More than just a biography, the book succinctly delineates the evolution of a figure who, besides being secretive, was ambitious, ruthless, insular and anxiety-ridden.
Deftly written, the book not just destroys many of the myths associated with the ‘man behind the machine’ and his organisation, but also unmasks the façade of Golwalkar and the Sangh parivar. Through a wide range of extant archival material, Jha is successfully able to critically appraise facets which are integral to the RSS and its leadership, namely, doublespeak, hypocrisy, secrecy, divisive and sectarian anti-minority worldview, as well as casteism.
Amol Saghar is an independent historian.
