Twelve years ago, on June 12, 2012, Laxmipeta, a tiny village along the ayacut of the Madduvalasa reservoir in northern Andhra’s Srikakulam district, woke up to deadly violence on Dalits by the Turpu Kapus, a regionally dominant caste from the Other Backward Classes (OBC).
When the village was preparing for agricultural activities with the onset of monsoon, a mob of Turpu Kapus attacked Malas (categorised as Dalits) with sticks, spears, country-made bombs, knives, axes, stones and chilli powder.
The Turpu Kapus went on a rampage to ‘teach’ locally assertive Dalits a lesson by entering into the Mala street. They hurled casteist slurs as they marched ahead with rage, vowing to turn the locality into ashes.
The bloody episode claimed the lives of five Dalit men and left over 40 people severely injured.
The scale of violence unleashed in Laxmipeta was on par with the Karamchedu (1985) and Tsunduru (1991) caste atrocities, which rocked the then-undivided Andhra Pradesh.
Soon after the bloodbath in Laxmipeta, the then-chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, N. Kiran Kumar Reddy, flew to Rajam to meet with the survivors of the violence and other Dalits who were taking refuge at a hospital amidst police security. While assuring justice and rehabilitation to the affected community, the state government set up a fast-track court to deliver justice within six months.
Not only has justice been elusive to the survivors for the last 12 years, they are yet to receive the compensation and rehabilitation package promised to them by authorities.
The long wait of Laxmipeta Dalits for justice reminds us that if justice is not served promptly, it only means that justice is not served at all. Such cynicism only undermines the trust of marginalised communities in this country in the judiciary and in law enforcement agencies.
The massacre
Laxmipeta was one of the 21 villages from which the state government acquired 7,852 acres of land for the Madduvalasa reservoir project on the twin Vegavathi and Suvarnamukhi rivers. The project was conceived to irrigate over 24,700 acres in 104 villages falling under six mandals.
Before the land was taken away for the project, leading to its submergence, Laxmipeta had 450 acres of land. While Turpu Kapus more or less enjoyed a monopoly over the land, members from castes such as washermen, barbers and Brahmins owned a few parcels of land. Dalits on the other hand, however, were landless and earned subsistence as farm labourers.
When the project was completed in 2002, as many as 124 Turpu Kapu families, 16 families from other castes and 60 Dalit families relocated to a rehabilitated settlement in the irrigated vicinity of the reservoir. Around 54 Turpu Kapu families migrated to other places with the prospect of compensation and employment from the government.
The Dalits did not receive any compensation or resettlement package due to their historical landlessness. However, Turpu Kapus, on the other hand, ended up receiving far more in terms of rehabilitation and resettlement packages.
The reservoir not only submerged seven villages, including the old Laxmipeta, but also dented the old caste order that was reflected in the village’s political economy and social landscape. This was also proved to be one of the main reasons that led to killings and brutal assaults on Dalits.
First, the newly resettled Laxmipeta village saw a new social structure, as Dalits and Turpu Kapus had to reside next to each other. This had not only visibly disrupted the hitherto caste untouchability, but also reduced the physical and social distance between the touchable (Turpu Kapus and others) and untouchables (Mala-Dalits), triggering a simmering tension in the village.
Second, the height of the reservoir was reduced by two feet, rendering 250 acres of acquired land unusable for the project. Of this land, 190 acres were cultivated by the Turpu Kapus despite their getting compensation and a resettlement package, while 60 acres were cultivated by the Dalits.
The Turpu Kapus could not stand the fact that Malas, who lived at their mercy thus far, had some land of their own now.
The 60 acres of land that the Dalits received as their share were earlier owned by Turpu Kapus from a neighbouring village called Devakivada. The villagers of Devakivada had left their lands behind and migrated after receiving compensation.
The Turpu Kapus of Laxmipeta eyed the 60 acres of land that Dalits now owned. They argued that they alone had the right to that land, as it was left behind by the members of their own caste. A warning was issued to the Dalits to part with the land or face consequences.
Third, another significant factor that contributed to the violence was the election of a Dalit woman as sarpanch. Under the provisions for unanimously elected village panchayats, Rs 5 lakh was allocated towards village development. The sarpanch released funds for providing basic amenities such as drinking water, roads and drainage in the Dalit colony.
A Dalit woman exercising autonomy without the intervention of Turpu Kapus was perceived as a threat to their traditional caste dominance and privileges.
The culmination of the above factors, which upended the traditional caste and social structures in the village, led to conflict between Dalits and Turpu Kapus. As the tension grew, both groups lodged police complaints on multiple occasions, prompting authorities to caution against violence.
In line with a premeditated plan, a mob of Turpu Kapus resorted to one of the deadly attacks against Dalits in Andhra Pradesh on June 12, 2012.
During my field study (for my PhD), many, including survivors of the horrific violence and members of civil society organisations, alleged that there was a covert understanding between the police and the perpetrators of the atrocity. Some even alleged that a precautionary police picket was removed from Laxmipeta before the attack under the pretext of providing security in the Narsannapeta constituency, which had a by-election.
Aftermath of the massacre
Popular Dalit leader and founder of Dandora and the Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS), Manda Krishna Madiga, and his cadres along with other Dalit groups visited the victims and condemned the violence before launching the state-wide protests.
Former chief minister Kiran Kumar Reddy and other political leaders in the state faced protests from the enraged Dalits, demanding justice for the victims. Dalits demanded the arrest of all culprits, including Botsa Vasudevarao Naidu, a close relative of then-cabinet minister Botsa Satyanarayana.
They refused to accept government assistance and compensation until their demands for self-respect, dignity and protection were met. Symbolically, when compensation was announced by the chief minister and officials concerned, the victims shouted: “We want self-respect, dignity and protection, not money or jobs.”
What is the reality?
In response to demands from survivors and Dalit organisations, a special court was established in Laxmipeta village to ensure swift justice within six months. Consequently, the state government set up a fast-track court in Laxmipeta village in 2012.
Despite 12 years having passed since its establishment, the fast-track court is yet to deliver a judgment.
The promised ex-gratia has also failed to reach the victims, worsening the lives of Malas in Laxmipeta. Employment opportunities are scarce, leaving them with few options for livelihood. Much of the land is controlled by Turpu Kapus, who stop Dalits from engaging in daily wage labour.
Consequently, many Malas from Laxmipeta have already migrated to other villages and nearby cities in search of sustenance.
Instances such as the Laxmipeta massacre indicate that even the judiciary often sides with the privileged, failing to do justice to the people from the lowest rung of society.
When a society or system fails to discern fault lines and institutional lapses from past precedents, incidents such as Laxmipeta continue to manifest in different ways at different places.
Even in the case of earlier massacres of Dalits, such as Karamchedu (1985) and Tsunduru (1991) perpetrated by the Kammas and Reddys, provincial landlord castes in coastal Andhra, justice was delivered after a long wait by survivors.
In the case of Karamchedu – which saw the killing of six Dalits and sexual assault on three women – justice was pronounced 23 years after the violence. The Supreme Court sentenced the main accused to life imprisonment and 30 others to a three-year jail term. Some of the perpetrators of violence had passed away on account of old age even before the verdict was delivered.
Similarly, in the case of the Tsundur violence, the Andhra Pradesh high court delivered a verdict after nearly two-and-a-half decades. The court acquitted the accused citing lack of evidence.
Andhra Pradesh ranks among the top five states in the country for the perpetuation of violence against Dalits and the backlog of pending cases. According to the National Crime Records Bureau, between 2016 and 2021, over 15,000 cases remained pending at police stations. During the same period, there were 32,212 pending cases in courts in Andhra Pradesh.
Attacks on Dalits are a persistent issue that calls for immediate attention and action. Despite repeated incidents, justice remains elusive for the victims, and the attacks continue to manifest in various forms.
To effectively address this problem, it is essential to implement systemic changes in society and make necessary institutional reforms. The state apparatus, including the police and judiciary, must work together to bring about required changes and strictly implement existing laws to serve justice to the victims.
Dr Suman Damera is an assistant professor at the Department of Public Administration, Pachhunga University College (PUC), Mizoram University, Aizawl.
