In the recent Lok Sabha elections (May 2024), the INDIA Alliance made ‘Caste Census’ as one of the major planks of its campaign. It did contribute, among other factors, towards good results, though not giving the coalition winning numbers.
Nitish Kumar, the BJP ally had already got it done in Bihar, though has kept it in the cold storage at the moment. Rahul Gandhi (RG) brought it up again in the Lok Sabha speech while responding to the Budget presented by the Finance minister.
His forceful presentation of the case for caste census had a great impact. In addition he brought forward the ‘halwa (goodies) factor. Those elements who are preparing the budget at present belong to the upper caste mainly and halwa is consumed by few upper layers only.
This powerful articulation by RG was responded to by Anurag Thakur (Goli Maaro fame). He ridiculed RG that one who does not know his caste is demanding a caste census. Rahul Gandhi is a unique person as such, (Hindu Father, Christian mother, Hindu Grandmother and Parsi Grand Father) in a way the real product of a free society despite the threats to such marriages by conservative elements.
While Thakur’s comments were expunged from Lok Sabha proceedings, Prime Minister Narendra Modi endorsed his speech by tweeting it.
Today, caste census is the need of the time as the reservation quotas were fixed decades earlier and present percentages of the population may be much different. The political stream to which Anurag Thakur and Prime Minster belong stand totally against the affirmative action aimed at bringing the marginalized castes towards equality.
Though economic betterment may not automatically enhance their social acceptance of Dalits totally, but surely it is a major pre-requisite for social equality of people coming from different caste backgrounds.
As Indian society is deeply in the grip of the caste system, it is not easy to bring social justice, dignity for the victims of the caste system. It has been a long struggle for caste dignity and equality for Dalits. One recalls that Joti Rao Phule was the first one to initiate this journey for the downtrodden.
He could identify the major weakness of Hindu society in the form of caste system. As Dalits were not permitted to read, he focused his efforts in opening schools for them. It is true that the gender issue is also closely knit together with caste hierarchy. So we see that Savirtribai Phule began a school for girls. These major steps for caste and gender equality were taken nearly a century ago.
With Ambedkar coming and raising the level of awareness of these sections, Dalits identified Landlord-Priest combo, well articulated in Maharashtra as rhyming Shetji-Bhatji, as their main tormentors and began ‘Non Brahmin movement’ to oppose the hegemony of upper caste.
This did not have a smooth journey. The upper caste were already feeling uncomfortable by the efforts of Gandhi for Hindu-Muslim unity and now Dalits were taking steps for equality. These caste elites came to form RSS, for Hindu Rashtra, based on the golden past, i.e. values of Manusmriti.
The same RSS stood to oppose the constitution on the ground that it does not take into consideration the values of ‘Indian Golden’ past. Nonetheless the reservations for scheduled caste and scheduled tribes began to have a slow impact in the society.
At the same time the rumour mills got activated and those benefitting from reservation started being labeled as ‘son-in-laws’ of the Government, non deserving of the jobs they are occupying. The reservation system started being called as an obstruction for the meritorious youth.
The cumulative anger of the upper caste first manifested in Ahmedabad in Gujarat, after the success of Madhav Singh Solanki’s formula of KHAM (Kshtriya, Harijan, Adivasi and Muslim) alliance. There was a strong reaction to this and Gujarat witnessed the anti-Dalit violence in 1981. Scholar Achyut Yagnik writes, “The educated middle class, mainly the Brahmins, Banias and Patidars, reacted sharply by starting an agitation against the reservation system in 1981.”
This phenomenon intensified when caste quotas in job promotion were implemented leading to the anti-Dalit violence Gujarat in 1985, yet again. This was the period when VHP actively promoted the Ram Temple movement. Meanwhile BJP adopted the Ram Temple issue and L.K. Advani declared his Rath Yatra from Somnath to Ayodhya.
For his own political survival V.P. Singh, whose Government was possible due to support of BJP on one side and left parties on the other, implemented the Mandal Commission, which gave a 27% quota to the OBCs who were 52% of the population.
The upper caste was opposed to Mandal. For electoral reasons BJP could not directly oppose Mandal. They gave more strength to Rath yatra and it drew heavy response from the upper caste that stood in opposition to Mandal. Groups like ‘Youth for Equality’ sprung up to oppose Mandal.
Mandal politics did see the rise of leaders like Sharad Yadav, Lalu yadav and Ram Vilas Paswan. BJP’s top leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee articulated this by stating that ‘They had brought Mandal so we brought Kamandal’ (religion in politics).
BJP’s opposition to social justice was couched in anti-Muslim rhetoric, and the Babri Mosque was demolished through a well orchestrated plan. They aimed at Hindu unity while retaining the caste hierarchy. The Mandal parties did succeed in various ways, but in due course many of them embraced Manu politics for narrow political expediency.
Many predecessors of INDIA coalition were opposed to Mandal but particularly after the two Bharat Jodo Yatras, seeing the social condition of people, RG has emerged as a strong votary of the census, as the social composition of caste is the best foundation to decide about the percentages for reservations. The Supreme Court’s decision of sub caste quota is a welcome judgment. Similarly, including the left out caste is crucial in the struggle for social justice in the real sense.
While INDIA coalition is forthright in this demand, BJP, the main party driving the NDA, will put all obstacles in the path of population census. The strength of popular support to this population census in the form of agitations, protests etc. will be the real determinant of success of this much needed step.
Ram Puniyani is president of the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism.
