The Logic Behind Chhattisgarh Government's Decision to Increase Reservations

Without giving much context, Chhattisgarh chief minister Bhupesh Baghel recently announced that his government had decided to augment the Schedule Caste reservation in the state back to 13%. A couple of days later, in his Independence Day speech, he announced the doubling of reservations for the Other Backward Classes category, from 14% to 27%.

"Today, I announce that now 27% reservation will be provided to the OBCs, 13% to the SCs and 32% to the STs," he said. Previously, OBC reservation in the state was 14%, while for the SC category it was 12%. The ST quota had been raised to 32% by the Raman Singh government, while reducing the SC quota by 1%, in 2010.

Baghel's announcement comes in the backdrop of the Kamal Nath government in Madhya Pradesh increasing the state's OBC quota from 14% to 27%.

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The Congress has decided to play the popular game rather than follow the Supreme Court's prescribed 50% ceiling on reservations in jobs and educational institutions. The total caste-based reservation in Chhattisgarh now stands at 72%, despite Bilaspur high court's ruling in 2013 against exceeding the 50% quota limit. In some jobs, it is now possible that reservations will exceed 100% if quotas for freedom fighters, persons with disabilities, sportspersons, ex-servicemen, kin of Naxal martyrs and others are applied.

On August 16, a delegation of 'upper' castes met Baghel at his residence and demanded that a 10% quota be fixed for economically backward upper castes. On August 18, Baghel announced his government’s intention to implement a 10% quota based on economic criteria.

Baghel and his advisors truly believe that Chhattisgarh is an OBC-dominated state, and that segment has been neglected. The reservation pie, though, does not reflect the caste population details, as estimated from time to time. Tribals are estimated to be 32% of the state's population, and are the only ones to receive an exact quota. Dalits are estimated to be 12% of the population, and the BJP had reduced their quota to 12%. That has been raised back to 13%. OBCs have a population share of nearly 50%, but even after the raise, they will remain at 27% reservation. The constitution has not envisaged, and the Supreme Court has not approved, a population-based quota in the states or the country as a whole.

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The Bilaspur high court had stayed the Raman Singh government's quota plans, announced in 2010, which allowed a total of 58% reservation. The stay was vacated only in 2013, with the rider that any recruitment made under the policy would be liable for rejection after the final disposal of the cases. The three cases are still pending in the Bilaspur high court, but Baghel has announced the new policy.

Baghel has also decided to implement his ambitious narwa-garwa-ghurwa-bari plans for the state, which seek to take the state back to its roots. Narwa (streams/drains), garwa (cattle), ghurwa (cow dung disposal pits) and bari (vegetable patches) used to be the staple of Chhattisgarhi villages for centuries. He believes that going back to them will take people back to a healthy, happy life.

“We are talking 4G, Mangalyaan and five-trillion-dollar economy, and Chhattisgarh is talking narwa-ghurwa,” says former chief minister Raman Singh. But even if he does not acknowledge it, he recognises the clever caste plan in this back-to-the-roots policy. It brings together marginalised sections of Chhattisgarhi society, who are now being given a common umbrella identity.

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It is striking that Chhattisgarh has never worked on caste lines in the way large portions of India do. Even today, out of the 90 MLAs in the latest state assembly, only 24 come from all OBC castes put together. Twenty-nine seats are reserved for STs and 10 for SCs, but one Tribal candidate has won from a general seat and non-tribal Christians, Muslims and Sikhs have won even though they have a less than 0.5% share in the population.

Baghel's move isn't completely unique. Ajit Jogi had unsuccessfully tried to play the same card from a Dalit angle, and Baghel is giving it a go from the OBC platform. He is, however, ignoring the small matter of the most powerful OBC sect in the state – the Sahu Telis – who are still cut up over being denied the chief ministerial chair.

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