The decision of several INDIA combine parties as well as those of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) to oppose the concept of the sub-classification of reservation for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and to support the August 21 bandh call by Dalit parties protesting against the August 1 Supreme Court ruling on sub-quotas, has more to do with the complexities of the matter, largely relating to the numerical strength of various SCs in different states that can dictate electoral equations.
That is why the nationwide shutdown hardly had any impact in south India, where the numerical reality is different from in the north. And it is due to this reason that the two main national parties, the BJP and the Congress, are yet indecisive.
Ironically, the Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)), the party that in 2007 came up with the concept of Mahadalits (the weakest of Dalits), is taking a totally different stand. Today, it is opposing sub-quotas for the backward among Dalits and taking the line of another NDA constituent, the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) (LJP) and its main rival in Bihar, the Rashtriya Janata Dal.
Like LJP leader Chirag Paswan, another Union minister, Ramdas Athawale of the Republican Party of India, has taken a similar position.
Ever since the creation of the Mahadalit Commission, which recommended several measures for the uplift (no talk of sub-quotas) of the weakest of SCs, JD(U) supreme leader Nitish Kumar and the LJP were on opposite sides of the fence as the late Ram Vilas Paswan and Chirag Paswan used to directly accuse the Bihar chief minister of dividing Dalits for electoral gain and ignoring their own caste, the Dussadhs.
This animosity continued till the 2020 assembly election, in which the JD(U) performed miserably.
The ‘dominant’ Dalit castes, the Jatavs (Ravidasis), Dussadhs (Paswans), Mahars, Malas, etc have a strong numerical presence in several states. Their leaders have considerable presence in Dalit politics. The Ambedkars, from Bhimrao to Prakash; Ram Vilas and Chirag; Kanshi Ram; Mayawati; Ramdas Athawale, etc come from these caste groups.
But what is forgotten is that they are dominant mostly because their numbers are much larger than those of the other Dalit castes. In several cases, the economic condition of a big section of dominant Dalit castes may be as bad as that of Mahadalit castes.
Once again, Bihar is the state with the latest caste break-up. Paswans and the Ravidasis, according to the 2023 Bihar caste survey, form 5.31% and 5.25% of state’s population respectively.
Along with Pasis (toddy-sellers) and Dhobis (washermen), they form about 60% of the state’s total Dalit population of 19.65%.
The Mahadalit Commission had originally categorised these four SCs as the better off among a total of 22 Dalit castes in Bihar. The problem is that the remaining 18 make just 40% of the entire SC population of the state.
Incidentally, people of the Musahar caste, which is that of Union minister Jitan Ram Manjhi, make up a sizeable number of these 40%. So, the remaining 13 castes are extremely small in number.
Also read: Opposition to Sub-classification — Negation of Reality, Equality and Unity
The scenario in north India
Unlike Bihar, other states do not have the latest break-up of castes in their jurisdiction.
Jatavs or the Ravidasis alone make up 60% of Uttar Pradesh’s 21.3% Dalit population. Thus, it is somewhat natural that Mayawati and Chandrashekar Aazad are both Jatav (also known as Mochis or Chamars elsewhere).
The Ravidasis/Ramdasis of Punjab form 26.2% of the total SC population of that state. But here, the Mazhabis are the largest group, constituting 31.5% of Punjab’s Dalit population. The Valmikis are the other prominent group.
The Punjab government several years ago wanted to make a sub-quota for Mazhabis and Valmikis. Needless to say, the Punjab government’s decision to create this sub-quota is part of the roots of the case in which the latest Supreme Court ruling was issued.
South and central India
In the south, Madigas and Malas are two prominent SCs. But their presence is concentrated in undivided Andhra Pradesh, where they respectively form 48.2% and 41.6% of the Dalit population.
It was the Madigas who were in the forefront of the demand for the sub-classification of SCs. They are divided into several sub-castes, some of whom are engaged in leather-related works.
On the other hand, a sizable number of Malas have converted to Christianity and are thus deprived of the facility of reservation. Their demand is not sub-classification, but that Dalit Christians also be treated like Dalit Hindus.
In Maharashtra, Mahars form 38% of the total Dalit population and thus are the largest group.
The problem with the sub-classification debate is that it creates an impression that the ‘dominant’ Dalit castes have walked away with all benefits meant for SCs, though this may not be 100% true. What is often overlooked in many cases is that their numerical presence is also overwhelming.
Occupational challenges
As SCs are traditionally associated with a particular occupation, they face challenges from mechanisation. They are not well-adapted to occupational shifts.
For instance, Jatavs or Ravidasis/Ramdasis are mainly engaged in leather works, but in the last few years the leather industry has faced new crises.
Most women-folk in Jatav or Ravidasi families used to work as midwives, but an increasing number of institutional child births has rendered them jobless.
In many states, Ravidasi men and women face the worst form of untouchability and are thus deprived of many jobs.
Similarly, Dhobis also face a big challenge due to the rampant use of washing machines and irons. In Bihar, prohibition dealt a blow to Pasis.
Yet, we in general believe that these castes are among the better-off SCs.
Also read: Debate | Untouchability Created the SC List – Opposition to Sub-Classification Can’t Be Dismissed
Comparison with backward classes
The issue of Dalits should be compared with that of the backward classes, among whom sub-classification has also been made in some states.
Once again, according to the latest Bihar caste survey, other backward classes (OBCs) such as Yadavs, Kushwahas (Koeris), Kurmis and Banias make up 27.1% of the state’s population.
Extremely backward classes (EBCs) – of which there are more than 130 in number – constitute 36.01%. Because they are very small in number individually, they are less represented in jobs as well as politics.
Some of those put in the EBC category are definitely better off than those in the OBC category.
There are some interesting ironies. For example, Yadavs form 14.26% of Bihar’s population, yet during the 15 years of Lalu-Rabri rule, the caste produced only one secretary-rank officer, definitely much below than EBCs or even Dalits. The caste could not produce any direct IAS and IPS officers during those days – though the state produced a number of Dalit and EBC officers. A Dalit even went to become director general of police.
This was notwithstanding the fact that the number of Yadav ministers, MPs, MLAs, mukhiyas, lower police functionaries and petty contractors was substantial.
So, Yadavs may be the numerically strongest caste among the OBCs, but educationally and in government jobs, they are far behind Kurmis, Kushwahas and Banias, and in some cases, even to EBCs.
In this situation, it is a daunting task to make out which Dalit castes should get more attention through sub-quotas. Thus, political parties are confused and are responding only keeping votes in mind.
Soroor Ahmed is a Patna-based freelance journalist.
