The upcoming congregation on January 1, 2025 at Bhima-Koregaon is being actively sponsored by the state government under the leadership of the returning Maharashtra chief minister, Devendra Fadnavis. After reclaiming the chief ministerial position following a six-year hiatus, this initiative marks one of his first major undertakings, thereby carrying immense political significance.
This move is particularly intriguing given the backdrop of the saffron violence that occurred at Bhima-Koregaon during the 2018 commemoration of the battle’s bicentennial anniversary. That year, the violence starkly highlighted the tensions between Hindutva forces and Dalit assertions, with the event symbolising the end of Peshwa rule and the subsequent establishment of British dominance in India.
The scale and nature of state involvement in the forthcoming celebration raises questions, especially in light of the historical significance of the event as a symbol of anti-caste resistance. The enthusiasm shown by Fadnavis in organising the event appears inexplicable, given the BJP’s broader ideological stance, which often aligns with narratives that marginalise the emancipatory aspects of Dalit history. This development demands closer scrutiny of the political motives behind such a pronounced state role.
Intriguing Initiative
The history of Dalits congregating at Bhima-Koregaon in recent times goes back to Dalit Panthers paying respect to the Dalit martyrs at the obelisk and thereafter to Buddhist Society of India giving it a form of annual congregation in 1990s. Over the past three decades, the event remained peaceful, supported warmly by the local population, who were traditionally welcoming to the congregators. The 2018 violence, allegedly orchestrated by Milind Ekbote and Sambhaji Bhide, both with ties to the Saffron Brigade—the ideological sphere to which Devendra Fadnavis also belongs—stands as a glaring exception in this history. The state-appointed commission of inquiry, tasked with investigating the violence and originally mandated to submit its report within four months, has yet to deliver any conclusions even after 16 extensions spanning seven years. Many suspect that the commission’s eventual findings may align with the government’s preferred narrative, rendering it largely inconsequential. Against this backdrop, Fadnavis’s sudden interest in organising celebrations for an odd anniversary of the Bhima-Koregaon battle is undeniably intriguing.
Fadnavis has launched a series of measures to ensure the smooth execution of the 1 January 2025 celebration, that includes:
- Bombay High Court Clearance: Permission was obtained to extend the ‘Shaurya Din’ program from December 22 to January 5, facilitating public access during this period.
- Robust Security Arrangements:
- Deployment of 4,500 security personnel.
- Allocation of 120 acres for parking.
- Provision of 380 PMPML buses offering free rides to congregators from Pune.
- Availability of fire tenders, ambulances, and a team from the National Disaster Response Force (NDRF).
- Social Media Monitoring: Announced plans to monitor online platforms to curb misinformation and maintain public order, suggesting an anticipation of potential disruptions.
The event is massively publicised to draw large crowds from across the state and country.
These elaborate preparations contrast sharply with the scanty police deployment in 2018, which failed to prevent the Saffron Brigade’s violent attack on the congregation. That attack disrupted what was a far more significant commemoration – the 200th anniversary of the Bhima-Koregaon battle – an event that was widely publicised and endorsed by the organisers of the Elgar Parishad, the late Justices P.B. Sawant and B.G. Kolse Patil. The lack of accountability for the 2018 violence, coupled with the excessive attention to an odd anniversary, raises questions about the motives behind the current preparations.
Fadnavis’s initiatives appear orchestrated to serve as an opening act for his broader political agenda. The emphasis on security and surveillance dovetails with his ongoing narrative of combating “Urban Naxals”, a theme he has repeatedly invoked to push for a draconian law aimed at suppressing dissent.
This approach seems less about honoring the legacy of Bhima-Koregaon and more about reframing its significance to fit the BJP’s political calculus. The transformation of a symbol of Dalit resistance and anti-caste assertion into a state-sponsored event with an undertone of authoritarianism underscores the larger strategy of appropriating and neutralising spaces of dissent.
In this context, Fadnavis’s sudden enthusiasm for the celebration not only reflects political opportunism but also raises concerns about the state’s intentions to further entrench control over Dalit historical and cultural symbols.
A Sinister strategy
The BJP’s approach to Dalit cultural and historical spaces reflects a carefully crafted political stratagem aimed at co-opting and controlling Dalit identity, history, and symbols. While the immediate objective might appear to facilitate anti-‘urban Naxal’ legislation, which has drawn criticism from across the country, the larger goal is far more insidious. It involves a systematic encroachment into significant Dalit spaces such as Deeksha Bhumi, Chaitya Bhumi, and the Bhima-Koregaon obelisk, with the ultimate aim of embedding Hindutva narratives and neutralising radical Dalit assertion. This phenomenon needs to be understood in the context of the BJP’s broader political objectives and ideological framework.
The state’s encroachment into the Dalit universe is accomplished through politicisation of Dalit spaces, co-optation of Dalit icons and symbols, dilution of radical Dalit assertion, electoral and political gains; and containment of Hindutva’s contradiction with Ambedkarite ideals. The Dalit cultural spaces such as Deeksha Bhumi (The site where Ambedkar embraced Buddhism in 1956, symbolising a rejection of caste oppression and Hindu orthodoxy), Chaitya Bhumi (The cremation ground of Ambedkar, a place of annual homage by lakhs of Dalits) and now Bhima-Koregaon (The site of the 1818 battle which is seen by Dalits as a marker for bravery of Dalit soldiers of the British East India Company against the Peshwa-led Maratha forces, symbolising resistance to Brahminical oppression) are being systematically encroached upon by the state.
The BJP has infiltrated these spaces, appointing its loyalists to managing committees, and using state funding to exert influence and state machinery to control the narrative and logistics of these events. The Deeksha Bhumi is as good as taken over; its Managing Committee is infiltrated by pro-government members. Chaitya Bhumi congregation has slipped into government control in recent decades. Bhima-Koregaon is now being heavily sponsored by the state, reframing its narrative to suit Hindutva ideologies. Through such interventions, the BJP establishes its presence in these spaces, presenting itself as a champion of Dalit causes while subtly aligning their narratives with Hindutva ideology.
A key aspect of this strategy is the appropriation of Dalit icons and symbols, particularly Ambedkar. The BJP and RSS have attempted to recast Ambedkar as someone who ultimately upheld Hindu values and as a unifying national figure, overshadowing his rejection of Hinduism and conversion to Buddhism. By organising and managing events like Deeksha Bhumi and Chaitya Bhumi gatherings, the BJP aims to project itself as Ambedkar’s ideological successor, while erasing the radical aspects of his legacy. At Bhima-Koregaon, Fadnavis’s promotion of the event is to reframe it as a nationalist struggle, diverting attention from its significance as Dalit resistance to Brahminical hegemony.
Still another aspect of the stratagem is dilution of radical Dalit assertion. By co-opting these spaces, the state seeks to neutralise the radical potential of Dalit movements and their historical memory of resistance. The presence of the state suppresses organic, grassroots narratives and allows Hindutva ideologues to sanitise or reinterpret these histories in a way that aligns with their agenda. State control reduces the space for independent Dalit leaders to emerge and organise autonomously. The dominance of state-funded programs limits the scope for alternative, oppositional voices.
Also read: How Bhima Koregaon Became a Trope for Dalit Pride and Assertion
The stratagem also incorporates electoral and political gains through Dalit vote bank. The BJP’s intervention in Dalit spaces is aimed at capturing a significant share of the Dalit vote, especially in states like Maharashtra, where Dalits have historically leaned towards Ambedkarite and leftist ideologies. By controlling these events, the BJP positions itself as a benefactor of Dalit causes, hoping to counterbalance its reputation as an upper-caste party. Controlling Dalit spaces also allows the BJP to sideline opposition parties like the Congress, NCP, or the Bahujan Left, which have traditionally had stronger connections to Dalit communities.
At its core, this stratagem aims to obscure the ideological contradiction between Ambedkar’s critique of caste and Hindutva’s adherence to the varna system. While Ambedkar embraced Buddhism as a rejection of Hinduism and caste, the RSS/BJP attempted to co-opt his legacy into their vision of a unified Hindu Rashtra. By controlling Dalit spaces, the BJP tries to obscure this contradiction. This deliberate control of Dalit cultural and historical spaces serves as a strategic move to align Ambedkarite symbols with Hindutva, advancing the BJP’s ideological goals while neutralising resistance to its agenda.
Implications for Dalit Politics
The BJP’s control over Dalit spaces like Bhima-Koregaon, Deeksha Bhumi, and Chaitya Bhumi goes beyond administrative convenience. It represents a deliberate political strategy to reshape Dalit history, identity, and political agency, aligning them with the broader framework of Hindutva. While this co-optation might yield short-term electoral gains, it carries long-term consequences for Dalit autonomy, historical memory, and resistance movements. Reclaiming these spaces as sites of radical Dalit assertion will be a critical challenge for the Dalit movement and progressive forces in India.
- Loss of Autonomy
The takeover of Dalit spaces diminishes the ability of Dalit organisations to assert their own narratives and organise independently. For instance, Chaitya Bhumi was autonomously managed by the Samata Sainik Dal, with limited police presence focused on maintaining peripheral order. State intervention has now expanded under the guise of VIP security, assuming control of the space and disrupting longstanding traditions. For instance, during politicians’ visits, queues of Dalits awaiting a darshan are halted, creating a hierarchy that prioritises state-managed optics over grassroots traditions. This erosion of autonomy not only marginalises Dalit self-governance but also sets a dangerous precedent for the state’s dominance over marginalised communities’ cultural spaces.
- Threat to Historical Memory
The BJP’s reinterpretation of events like Bhima-Koregaon risks distorting and erasing the anti-caste resistance embedded in these histories. Across the country, the BJP has leveraged state power to subtly alter public memory, and Bhima-Koregaon is no exception. Already, the historical significance of Shivram Janba Kamble, who pioneered meetings at the obelisk to highlight the martial valour of Mahars and advocate for their reentry into the army, has been downplayed. The narrative has shifted to emphasise Ambedkar’s association with the victory of brave Mahar soldiers, sans its motive and strategic political dimensions. This selective rewriting of history not only erases key contributors but also transforms complex events into simplistic narratives that serve Hindutva’s agenda.
- Engaging Dalits in a Devotional Mode
A significant outcome of the state’s promotion of Dalit congregations is the transformation of Ambedkar’s radical political legacy into a devotional relationship. By leveraging state resources to organise grand-scale events, the BJP reinforces the emotional attachment of Dalit masses towards Ambedkar while deflecting attention from their material socio-economic grievances. This shift from radical political mobilisation to devotional reverence serves the state’s interest, as it neutralises the rebellious potential of Dalit communities. The result is a depoliticised mass that venerates Ambedkar without engaging with his transformative vision, particularly his critique of caste and capitalism.
- Resistance Movements
These moves may provoke counter-resistance from Dalit groups, intellectuals, and activists determined to reclaim their spaces and reassert Ambedkar’s radical legacy. However, such resistance faces significant challenges:
- Neutralisation through devotional force: Empirical evidence from state interventions at Chaitya Bhumi and Deeksha Bhumi shows that large-scale devotional gatherings often overshadow efforts at critical political mobilisation.
- State suppression: The state’s increasing control over these spaces ensures that dissenting voices are sidelined or marginalised.
- Fragmentation of movements: Dalit resistance could struggle to unite under a coherent strategy, given the diversity of ideological positions within the community.
Despite these challenges, reclaiming these spaces remains a critical task for Dalit movements and progressive forces, as they represent not just physical landmarks but symbolic sites of resistance against caste oppression and state co-optation.
The BJP’s strategy to control Dalit cultural spaces through resource-heavy interventions, co-optation of historical narratives, and the promotion of devotional reverence poses a significant threat to Dalit political agency and historical memory. This appropriation transforms spaces of radical assertion into instruments of state propaganda, aligning them with the Hindutva agenda. The challenge for Dalit movements lies in reclaiming these spaces, reasserting their autonomy, and preserving the radical legacy of Ambedkar in the face of a coordinated assault on their identity and history.
A Case of Deeksha Bhumi
Deeksha Bhumi in Nagpur, where Babasaheb Ambedkar embraced Buddhism on October 14, 1956, coinciding with Dassera Day, holds immense significance for Dalits. This site symbolises their liberation from the caste bondage of Hinduism and serves as a beacon of Ambedkar’s transformative vision. Traditionally, the event was observed with solemnity, resembling a quasi-religious gathering graced by venerable Buddhist monks and non-political social workers from around the world.
However, over the years, the management of Deeksha Bhumi underwent significant changes. To secure state funds for the upkeep and development of the site, the trustees began inviting Maharashtra ministers to the events, paving the way for political intervention. Today, the trust is reportedly dominated by right-wing individuals, a stark contrast to its original ethos. The transformation of Dalit masses into passive devotees, conditioned to accept these changes, reflects a broader shift in the socio-political dynamics surrounding the site.
Last year, when they saw their revered site dug up to construct an underground parking, a section of them got infuriated and sparked widespread protests, leading to the project’s suspension. Only then it was revealed that the Maharashtra government offered some Rs 200 crore for development of the site in exchange for taking control of it as agreed by the managing committee.
When a section of Dalits saw the defacement of the site, the backlash was immediate and intense. Many viewed the construction as a threat to the sanctity of Deeksha Bhumi, fearing it would disrupt its spiritual ambiance and structural integrity. On July 1, 2024, thousands marched to Deeksha Bhumi, demanding the cancellation of the project. When the protests turned militant, with demonstrators breaking scaffolding and pillars at the site, the government suspended the project, promising to reassess it in consultation with stakeholders.
The Deeksha Bhumi controversy reflects a broader pattern of state intervention in Dalit cultural spaces, raising concerns about the erosion of autonomy and the co-optation of Ambedkarite symbols and sites. The resistance at Deeksha Bhumi serves as a reminder of the enduring spirit of Ambedkarite movements and the need for vigilance against forces seeking to dilute their significance.
Anand Teltumbde is former CEO, PIL, professor, IIT Kharagpur and GIM, Goa; writer and civil rights activist.
