BJP Refuses to Bite Dalit Sub-Classification Bullet But Madigas May Have Reason To Press On

The demand for sub-categorisation among communities listed as Scheduled Castes (SCs) in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka is rooted in a significant historical context.

The Andhra Pradesh government passed the Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Castes (Rationalisation of Reservations) Act 2000, which granted legal status to sub-categorisation among SCs in Andhra Pradesh (undivided). This Act was later challenged in the Supreme Court (E.V. Chinnaiah Vs State of Andhra Pradesh and others). On November 5, 2004, a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court ruled the sub-categorisation of SCs as unconstitutional.

However, on August 1, 2024, a seven-judge constitutional bench of the Supreme Court overruled the E.V. Chinaiah judgement, upholding the validity of sub-classifications within SC communities. 

The Supreme Court judgement is the outcome of a long-term grassroots movement by the Madiga community in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. Understanding the socio-political context in which the community exists is crucial in comprehending the demand for sub-categorisation within these groups.

Article 341 of the constitution specifies the list of communities that are listed as ‘Schedule Castes’, which the president notifies. However, the constitution views the SC communities as a homogenous group, as it does not mention sub-classification or sub-categorisation of the list. This ‘homogeneous view’ fails to acknowledge the diversity and hierarchical structure among those listed as SCs, which is based on notions of purity and pollution. This failure to recognise the multiplicity of identities among SC communities is a key factor driving the demand for sub-categorisation. 

The demand for sub-categorisation challenges the perception of homogeneity. The case of Karnataka is a compelling example. The Madiga groups argue that access to reservation was not equitably distributed among all the castes within the SC communities. They reject the idea of the SC community being a single entity and identify that the policies rolled out by the government are being grabbed by a few select sub-castes. They claim that the majority of government positions reserved for SCs are occupied by the castes that were already advanced among Dalits. They argue that reservation policy has affected different castes among SCs differently. Sub-categorisation supporters demand the division of the SC reservation according to the castes and their respective population percentages. In a nutshell, being marginalised among the marginalised – Dalit among Dalits – is the focal point for the demand for sub-categorisation.

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Othering of Madigas among SC communities

Though the notions of untouchability find roots in the caste system and Brahmanical ideology, it is important to note how these notions function among the SC groups. Due to the assumption of SC communities as a homogenous entity, the presence of untouchability among the SC category has not been examined in detail. 

As per the 2011 census, 17.15% of the population in Karnataka falls under the SC list. The Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes Order (Amendment) Act, 1976, has notified 101 castes in the SC list in the state. The SCs in Karnataka are divided into two major groups: right-hand castes (Edagai) and left-hand castes(Balagai). The Chalavadis or Holeyas fall under the right-hand castes, and Madigas fall under the left-hand castes. Madigas form the largest group among SCs and have approximately 50 sub-castes. Karnath G.K., in his 2004 paper titled, Replication or dissent? Culture and institutions among Untouchable Scheduled Castes in Karnataka’ states:

“The Holeyas and Madigas also refer to themselves as Adi Dravida and Adi Karnataka, respectively, and describe themselves as Harijans or ‘SCs’. However, they are particular in maintaining a distinct and discrete identity of their own, Holeya or Madiga, in terms of their being right or left hand castes respectively. Holeyas claim to be superior to the Madigas, a claim not conceded by the latter.” 

He further states: 

“The Holeyas claim to be higher for several reasons. They do not eat beef, and particularly not of the dead cow or buffalo. The Madiga thotis perform ritually impure services for the other castes while the Holeyas do not. The Holeyas claim that the Chaluvadi Battalu which is in their possession, is a symbol of their higher status, while the Madigas in turn have a myth explaining how they had lost it to the Holeyas.”

This highlights the ‘superiority’ claim by the Holeyas based on ‘notions of purity’ and the presence of clear rules of endogamy, hierarchy, and inequality, as well as the discrimination faced by the left-hand group, particularly the Madigas, from the right-hand group, like the Holeyas.

In interviews with Madiga leaders, they mention that traditionally, there were separate wells for touchable castes, the right-hand, and left-hand groups. They claim they were never treated as equals by the right-hand group and even stated that the Chalavdis (right-hand group) accept water and food from all communities except the Madigas, Madars, and Dhors.

Historically, Madigas have lived in separate colonies outside villages, with no intermingling between Madigas and right-hand groups. Many leaders have even asserted that among SCs, the Madigas face the highest number of atrocities. These claims cannot be verified as the government does not publish caste-specific data and counts SCs as a single entity. However, it is important to note that the sense of injustice and alienation is particularly strong among the Madigas.

The Madigas are demarcated from the right-hand groups in the SC category on account of their traditional professions, restrictions on inter-caste marriages, eating together, separate dwellings, wells, temples and so on. Discriminatory practices against the Madigas and a strong sense of injustice have led to their ‘othering’ within the SC category.

Rise of Madiga Reservation Horata Samithi 

The Madigas are primarily concentrated in Andhra Pradesh but are also present in Karnataka, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala. The Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS), which initiated the demand for sub-categorisation in Andhra Pradesh, later influenced Karnataka and led to the formation of Madiga Reservation Horata Samithi (MRHS). With the establishment of the MRHS in 1994, the demand for categorisation entered a stage of active political struggle in Karnataka.

With increasing demands and political considerations, the Karnataka government established the Justice A. J. Sadashiva Inquiry Commission with two main responsibilities. First, it was to assess whether there was injustice in the distribution of reservations, and second, if such injustice existed, to recommend measures to address it. The commission found that there was indeed injustice in the distribution of reservations and proposed sub-categorisation as a solution for a more equitable distribution. Consequently, the commission recommended dividing the 15% reservation for SCs into four sub-groups as follows: 

1. Touchable (in SC list)- 3%
2. Right hand Group- 5%
3. Left hand Group- 6% 
4. Other Schedule Castes- 1%

However, the recommendations of the Sadashiv Commission were never implemented. The recent Supreme Court judgement might prompt a new wave of grassroots movement for the implementation of this sub-categorisation. 

The demand for sub-categorisation, mobilisation surrounding it, and assertion of Madiga identity are responses to the state’s ignorance.

In a complex society, such an oversimplification fails to capture the various subtleties within the social structure. Sub-categorisation of the marginalised communities will help the state in reaching the most marginalised sections. The ignorance of the state in understanding this has led to the invisibility of Madigas. 

Akshay Joshi is a public policy practitioner.