Reservation Politics in the Absence of a Social Justice Discourse in Odisha

Since the Bharatiya Janata Party assumed power in Odisha, politics around identity has taken a sectarian shape.

The BJP won the election on the plan of “Odia asmita” or pride, which bled into its Hindutva nationalist discourse. Increasingly, now, the Hindutva battlecry of "Jai Shri Ram" has overshadowed the chant of "Jai Jagannath". In the last year, Hindutva politics has been the dominant face of Odisha, exposing among other things, the deeply embedded political religiosity of Odia society. 

Hindutva's nationalist discourse marginalises other social justice discourses. We have seen this happen across states in India despite the fact that the BJP has fashioned itself into a social justice party by appropriating and co-opting marginalised identities. In a state like Odisha, Mohan Majhi, an Adivasi face was the pick for the chief minister of the state. From the same state, Droupadi Murmu became the president of India. A leader from the Other Backward Classes, like Dharmendra Pradhan, has also found prominence in the BJP's plans for the state.

So does the BJP plan to target the OBC population with the caste census that it has recently and begrudgingly announced? And will such targeting bear electoral dividends? 

How Odisha missed the Mandal bus

It might be worthwhile to consider what the percentage of OBCs is in the population in the state, and the percentage of reservation they get. According to the 2011 census and the latest survey, OBCs are 39.9% of the state and get 46% reservation. But Dalit Bahujan activists also dispute these numbers, noting that the OBC population in the state is up to 54%.

None of these numbers appear to matter when it comes to reservations for OBCs in the state. Historically, neither the Biju Janata Dal nor the BJP have adopted the Mandal Commission recommendations. Arguably, both parties seem to be anti-constitutional on the matter of OBC reservations in the state. 

The Mandal movement was largely absent in the state too. Biju Patnaik, who was part of the Janata government at the national level, was against the Mandal commission report. He wrote: “If the lot of backward classes has not improved despite reservations in the past so many years, they would be no better in the next generations too.” Six OBC protestors died by police firing during the demonstrations then and OBC leaders in Patnaik’s party remained silent on this historical injustice.

There is also little unity among OBC communities in the state. They are the dominant middle castes. Some consider themselves a part of the Kshyatriyas, some are land owning communities and money lending communities, and consider themselves Baniya, and portray a sense of being superior to ‘lower’ castes. There was little demand for reservation in the state from OBCs. The BJP too, was against reservation in the 1990s, being allied with V.P. Singh. In Odisha, the OBC commission was set up in 2020. It is a statutory body and is governed by the interests of the ruling class. Only 20% reservation was implemented in the technical and professional sector for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes against 38.75%. This, once again, shows a lack of genuine interest from the BJD party in the state.

Reservations now

Historically, the 27% reservation recommended by the Mandal Commission has never been implemented by the state. Recently, BJP leaders accused the BJD of not implementing reservation for the Socially and Educationally Backward Classes in the higher education sector. 

While chief minister Majhi approved 11.25% of reservations for the SEBC in the state for public services and education, it is wrong to assume that the BJP has paved the way for 11.25% reservation for the SEBC in all fields of the education sector. Already there was 11.25 reservation in BJD ruling time. BJP only extended to technical, professional and higher education. The irony in the state is that none of the parties are willing to exceed the 50% cap mandated by the Supreme Court, unlike Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. 38.75 for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled tribes and 11.25 for SEBC total is 50%. 

All these political claims have come in the context of the caste census. The present debate on the caste census helps to understand the status of the OBC in OBC-populated states where there is visibility of social justice politics. The vibrant OBC social justice politics in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu is a focal point when we discuss the caste census. Through this instrument, the BJP is trying to appropriate the OBC support base.

Dharmendra Pradhan, for one, stated, “In the perspective of the National Education Policy, this step will increase the importance of education for the backward classes and will help in building a developed Odisha and a developed India. ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas and Sabka Mantukham’ is the ideology and philosophy of the Modi Government. The main objective of all our programs and schemes is social justice. The Modi Government has been providing reservation facilities in jobs and education for other backward classes. Despite repeated requests to the BJD government to provide reservation for the social and economic development of the people of the SEBC category, they were neglected.”

His statement seems to be contradictory when it comes to the existing reservation policy in the state. BJP does not appear interested in implementing the Mandal- and Supreme Court-approved 27% reservation for the SEBC, but only in bringing a 11.25% quota in the higher professional education sector. This, it must be said, was absent in the BJD's time. However, there is no difference between BJD and BJP as far as reservation for OBCs is concerned. What the BJP is doing now is that it is taking advantage of the vacuum of social justice politics in the state. The question is, what is the point of advocating for a caste census without implementing the Supreme Court judgment on reservation in a state like Odisha?

Narendra Modi has asserted himself as an OBC person. Dharmendra Pradhan, too, capitalises on his OBC status. And yet, the situation of OBCs is ignored. But BJP is not willing to challenge the Supreme Court bar on 50% reservation by providing at least 27% to OBCs following the Mandal Commission report. Paradoxically, the BJP minister claimed that caste based reservation will not exceed 50% in Odisha. It shows the duplicity of BJP. The OBCs representation in the state service is numerically less compared to other upper castes. The All India Survey on Higher Education 2021-22 points to the fact that the upper castes are in a position to take advantage of reservations despite their numerical disadvantage. 

Social justice politics in Odisha

Even though an Adivasi person is the chief minister of the state, its power dynamics remain in the hands of the upper castes - its Karana and Brahmana dominated ruling in the state.  

Social relationships are based on the hierarchy of caste. This existing power control remains unchallenged by any social groups, and the civil society is uncritical of this power apparatus, often busy with the thriving Jagannath culture in the state.

In the last two centuries, the discourse of social justice has been absent in the state. There was a marginal impact of modernity in the 19th century when leaders like Bhima Bhoi, Birsa Munda and Laxman Nayak fought for Adivasi civil rights. In particular, Bhima Bhoi critically engaged with caste and Brahminism. But his adherents could not adapt themselves to the modern language needed to rise against Brahmanical caste power.

In the last two centuries, Odisha has not produced any towering Dalit or OBC leaders who can compare to those from Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and other states. People coming from marginalised backgrounds have been forced to be submissive. An assertion against caste is rare to find. 

Arguably, there is a lack of critical caste consciousness in the state. Critical consciousness is a standard by which one comprehends anti-caste politics. It is understood through critical assertion against caste, which is almost marginal in the social, cultural, and political public life in Odisha. Since the legendary Bhima Bhoi, assertion against caste has largely been absent. Adivasi and peasant movements, while necessary, could not be adequately articulate against caste injustice. In the 1990s, the emergence of the BSP had a marginal impact. Kanshiram could in fact enlist a bunch of cadres in his early visit to the state. In the 2004 national and state assembly elections, BSP got 0.4 percentage of votes in the state. But mere electoral politics could not sustain a social movement against caste. It is only in the last decade that one witnessed protests against caste atrocity by Dalit groups. The Odisha Dalit literary or intellectual movement compared to any other state is insignificant. Dalit poetry or autobiographies are yet to take a radical shape in the state. Thus popular writings on Dalits are romanticised rather than considered an assertion against caste. It is difficult to find an academic or intellectual who can theorise or historicise the ground activism in the state. The anti-caste movement in Odisha is inspired from other states, in terms of literature or organisations. What is badly missing in the state is its own articulation and assertion against caste injustice in social and political life.   

Needless to mention, caste atrocities, violence and discrimination against Dalits have now become rampant in the state. OBC and Adivasis also commit caste discrimination against Dalits. The burden of fighting against caste remains the battle of Dalits in the state. Not only does the Dalit movement in the state remain invisible, but also the assertions against caste atrocities by Dalit activists have had no change. In the last 10 years, Ambedkar’s statues have come up in increasing numbers, particularly in the western part of the state. One must ask why local social activists have not harnessed Ambedkar's message to articulate a fight fit for this century. This is all the more necessary in Odia society where there is a deep power nexus between the state and the upper castes. 

Political representatives of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are often used by upper caste parties for narrow electoral gains alone. Their political autonomy lies in the hands of the BJP, BJD and the Congress. This has also left the Dalit community divided.

The debate on the caste census is a part of national political discourse, in which opposition parties and social justice groups raise critical questions against the ruling party. Odisha remains a silent state in this regard. Neither is there a common critical consciousness on it, nor is the matter discussed among the general citizen and intellectual masses.

Jadumani Mahanand, faculty at O.P. Jindal Global University, Sonipat. 

The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.