The Deterioration of the Concept of ‘Communal’ Into ‘Vote Bank’

In the area of Humanist studies in sociology it is perhaps hard to find a more endearing concept than that of the “communal.”

Be it Latin, French, German, or English, all extensive etymological studies show how the word denoted that which is general, collective, public, “Held in common” – a history that was to lead to the political ideology of Communism.

Sadly, however, it has been the peculiar misfortune of modern India that the word “communal” came to acquire a wholly negative connotation, diminishing it to the concept “sectarian.”

Then again, owing to the cultural/religious substance of the Partition of India, this negative connotation has come to be attached almost exclusively to the thinking habits of Indian Muslims alone.

Many years ago, India’s first very learned prime minister had underscored that this damaging eventuality could come to be the Republic’s most wounding national problem.

He had further underscored how, on the one hand, the collective aspirations of many social groups within Hindu society would come rightly to be regarded as their secular exertions towards achieving better livelihood conditions, but on the other, such exertions on behalf of Indian Muslims would come to be dubbed “communalism” – ergo, a dangerous extension of religious-political separatism., even when, in truth, the collective exertions of Muslims ought to be seen exactly as those of the several groups within Hindu society as efforts to secure equal opportunities and better living conditions in line with Constitutional provisions.

Noting further that whereas the collective aspirations of Muslims could never yield the result of the take-over of the state by Muslims, that indeed could happen if the communal clout of the majority Hindu population misguided by the upper castes were to come to realise its reactionary potential.

The communalism of the majority could thus in time come to be represented not merely as an expression of Hindu social aspirations but as the hallmark of the state ideology of “nationalism.”

It must be noted that this reading did not prevent Jawaharlal Nehru from critiquing Muslim sectarianism even in the smallest measure.

This conglomerate of historical eventualities has through the decades after Independence come to view the endorsement of oppressed social groups within the Hindu majority as the progressive fall-out of democracy, but, conversely, any such endorsement of Muslim grievances as “appeasement” politics.

Thus, whereas Dalits, Other Backward Classes (OBC), Extremely Backward Classes (EBC), and the countless plethora of sub-caste groups within these castes are not dubbed “vote banks”, any advocacy of Muslim interests is now castigated as “vote bank” politics.

The last decade especially has come to provide India’s majoritarian governance structures with a deadly weapon against all opponents who seek to further Constitutionalism by seeking to treat Indian Muslims without discrimination, social, political, economic or governmental; they are instantly dubbed as appeasers who mean to extend the logic of the separatist Muslim League.

(Perish the thought that the concept of ‘appeasement’ dates back to the mollycoddling of the Nazis by the Europeans in order to avert confronting their military might; thus, epistemologically, it is the strong who are appeased, not the marginalised).

In the Assembly elections due to be held in Bihar within weeks, the ‘Muslim’ voter has, unsurprisingly come to be a bone of contention among those that wish to woo them like any other segment of the Hindu population, and those who make claims to have done good things for them but who, at bottom, wish to deny them the rights of citizens, and, were it possible, to disenfranchise them as ‘ghuspaithias’ (illegal immigrants).

How the concept of “community” and “communal” have been venomised

Some scions of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) are on record as saying the right-wing governments led by them ought not to look after the problems of Muslims since the latter do not vote for the party.

Conversely, parties that would wish to pursue non-discriminatory, secular-constitutional politics have constantly to look over their shoulders to see that their advocacy of Muslims as equal citizens does not lose them votes among many Hindus who have come to be aggressively ‘communalised’ by the right-wing in recent years.

The heart-warning concept of “community” and “communal” have thus been venomised, mantras of inter-sectional hate that can be ploughed with consummate demagoguery to reap rich harvests of majoritarian public favour, including votes at times of hustings.

The outcome of the Bihar elections thus has understandably acquired a salience far in excess of a mere regional franchise.

As the Indian National Congress, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), and the Left combine seem for once to own the Muslim voter without demur or mean prevarication, November 14, when the results of the poll are due to be announced will not but carry an import far larger than that of a mere state election; and within it the consequence of electioneering among Bihar’s Muslims will point a way either forward or back to the days of squeamish capitulation.

Given that the owners of private wealth, the corporate media, and an Electoral machinery whose neutrality has in recent years come for questioning, may not want this combine to win will be a factor to reckon with as well.

Badri Raina taught English at Delhi University.

This piece was first published on The India Cable – a premium newsletter from The Wire – and has been updated and republished here. To subscribe to The India Cable, click here.

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