Why the BJP Cannot Be Trusted on the Caste Census

Earlier this year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) – led Union government announced that it will collect caste data during the upcoming national census – already delayed by four years.

The U turn of the BJP, which had fiercely opposed and ridiculed the idea of caste census came after continuous pressure was mounted by Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi on the RSS backed BJP and Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Gandhi's "jitni abadi utna haq" (rights in proportion to population) slogan has created a movement among the backward classes to demand what’s rightfully theirs – a fair distribution of the country’s resources in proportion to their population.

While Gandhi has emerged as the most vocal voice batting for a nationwide caste census to ensure equitable distribution of resources among marginalised communities, particularly the Other Backward Classes (OBCs), BJP and its parent organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) have a dubious record when it comes to giving OBCs their due.

In recent years, the BJP has eyed OBCs as a lucrative vote bank that can propel it to power.

BJP tries to gain electoral advantage by splintering the backward caste vote

In UP and Bihar, which has parties such as the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the Samajwadi Party, which have emerged as voices of backward classes by directly taking a stand against upper-caste hegemony in politics, the BJP tries to rely on fault lines and divisions among backward classes to gain electoral advantage by splintering the backward caste vote.

The BJP is deliberately trying to fracture the OBC community from within – just like they did with the Scheduled Castes by exploiting the Supreme Court judgment on SC sub-categorisation.

Now, they are using the same playbook to divide OBCs along internal caste lines. By stoking tensions between numerically larger and smaller OBC groups, the BJP is creating artificial rivalries and derailing the demand for collective rights.

This divisive politics is meant to weaken the united call for a caste census and real representation. But let’s be clear: only a full and transparent caste census can ensure that every caste, big or small, gets its rightful share in power and policy. True representation will empower all OBCs, not pit one against the other. This is exactly why the BJP fears the caste census – it will expose their tokenism and shake their hold over power.

The Sangh parivar’s long history of opposing Mandal politics, denying OBC identity, and resisting caste-based reservations is well-documented and undeniable.

From opposing the V.P. Singh-led National Front government's decision of implementing the Mandal committee recommendations on OBC reservation to subsequently withdrawing support and using its agenda of "Mandir politics" to counter Mandal through the communal politics of Hindutva, the BJP has always been against the idea of the backward classes getting their due.

In 1994, then Chief Minister Digvijaya Singh implemented a 14% reservation for OBCs in Madhya Pradesh. In 2002–2003, his Congress-led government sought to raise this to 27% to reflect the OBC population, which is estimated to exceed 50% in the state. However, the proposal was stalled due to legal and procedural challenges. Since the BJP came to power in 2003, successive governments have failed to implement the full 27% quota.

The matter is now under judicial scrutiny, with the Supreme Court, during ongoing hearings in Ashish Bhargava v. State of Madhya Pradesh, repeatedly questioning the BJP-led government over its continued delay. Despite clear constitutional backing under Articles 15(4) and 16(4), and substantial evidence of underrepresentation of OBCs in public employment, the state government continues to deny them their fair and lawful share in jobs and opportunities.

The party's sudden U-turn is not a change of heart – it is a result of Congress-led Opposition's pressure.

One of the reasons for the reluctance of the BJP to take a clear stand for the upliftment of backward classes is the fact that the party's core vote bank has always been the upper caste, the same group that was at the forefront of protests against implementation of the Mandal committee recommendations, even going to the extent of self-immolations.

The upper caste dominated structure of the Sangh parivar

Till date, of the six Sarsanghchalaks of the RSS, five are Brahmins, while one was Kshatriya. It shows the true nature of the Sangh parivar, wherein it is an upper caste dominated body that has a skewed vision of the proverbial Hindu society wherein backward classes are merely used as part of tokenism while the powerful decision-making positions are exclusively for upper castes.

With the RSS and BJP being ever-eager to cite mythological stories and Hindu scriptures, it would be apt to give the example of Eklavya, the ace archer who was arguably better than Arjun. But since Eklavya was from a backward class, Dronacharya , who was Arjun's teacher, slyly demanded the former's thumb to ensure that he couldn't overshadow Arjun, the upper caste prince who was his teacher's favourite.

But with the BJP's record of misusing central agencies such as the Enforcement Directorate, Central Bureau of Investigation and even the questions raised over the conduct of the Election Commision, it is of utmost importance that the Census is conducted in a fair way, without window dressing or manipulation of data.

If the caste census data is manipulated, the OBC community stands to face grave consequences across social, economic, and political spheres. An undercounted population would mean denial of proportional reservations in education, jobs, and welfare schemes, weakening the very foundation of affirmative action. It would also justify maintaining the current 27% OBC quota despite changing demographics and growing demands for justice, especially among the most backward castes.

For example, the recent Bihar caste survey and its findings, which embarrassed BJP because it exposed the upper caste overrepresentation in every sphere. With upper castes being the core vote bank of the BJP, it could well try to suppress similar findings in the future from the caste census.

Manipulated data could further be used as a strategy to create divisions within the OBC community, pitting one group against another and fracturing political unity. Worse, it would cement policy blindness for the next decade, as flawed data will inform all future planning, denying genuine backward communities access to resources and representation.

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Inaccurate figures may even be used to push the false narrative that OBCs are overrepresented, fueling upper-caste backlash and strengthening anti-reservation sentiments.

Since census data also influences constituency delimitation and local body reservations, manipulated numbers could reduce OBC representation in elected bodies, thereby silencing their democratic voice. In short, a flawed caste census would not merely be a statistical error – it would be a calculated assault on social justice and the constitutional vision of equality.

Today, as the caste census has become a reality, we must pause and ask: Can the BJP be trusted to conduct it fairly and sincerely? The answer, from both history and present reality, is a resounding NO.

Akhil Chaudhary is a human rights lawyer based in Rajasthan. He posts on X @akhilchaudhary.

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