As Bihar gears up for the assembly election amidst widespread controversy over the Special Intensive Review (SIR) exercise undertaken by the Election Commission (EC), a new book co-authored by former chief minister Lalu Prasad Yadav and journalist Nalin Verma has recently hit the stand. The book – ‘Lores of Love and Saint Gorakhnath,’ (Nalin Verma and Lalu Prasad Yadav, Penguin Random House India, 2025) – is a timely reminder of the composite Hindu-Muslim culture, which is under attack now.

Whether in power or out of it, Lalu has remained a powerful figure in the anti-Sangh Parivar politics and ideology for over 35 years. Old age has compelled him to make space for his son Tejashwi Prasad Yadav, who is carrying on his enduring legacy of social justice and secularism. But Lalu is a fighter, who never gives up, especially when the rivals are communal forces.

'Theft' of Gorakhnath’s legacy

While Lok Sabha leader of opposition Rahul Gandhi has launched a massive movement against the EC for what he termed as "vote theft", Lalu, in his book has talked about another form of “theft” – the appropriation of the legacy of Saint Gorakhnath by Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath, the Mahant (priest) of the Gorakhnath shrine in Gorakhpur.

According to  the book, Adityanath used his position as the mahant of the temple to climb up the ladder and become the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh.

While Gandhi’s claims of electoral malpractice dominate headlines, Lalu’s revelation that Gorakhnath stood for inclusivity, coexistence, love, and a harmonious synthesis of Hindu and Muslim faiths has the potential to challenge the Hindutva narrative that underpins Adityanath’s political dominance in Uttar Pradesh.

Both Bihar leader of opposition Tejashwi Yadav of the Rashtriya Janta Dal (RJD) and Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav – who is Adityanath’s primary rival in Uttar Pradesh – may find a powerful weapon in Lalu’s account of Gorakhnath’s true legacy.

Lores of Love and Saint Gorakhnath features folktales such as Sorthi Brijbhar, Bharathari-Pingla, Heer Ranjha, and Saranga-Sadabrij, with Lalu solely authoring the introduction alongside Nalin Verma as co-author. The authors' portrayal of Gorakhnath is grounded in research by historians and scholars of folklore and literature.

Here is a summary of the authors' perspective: Gorakhnath, who lived in the 11th century, founded the Nath sect, a monastic order whose followers are known as yogis, Gorakhnathis, Darshanis, or Kanphattas. Adityanath, often called “Yogi ji” claims affiliation with this order.

Gorakhnath's legacy once stood for composite culture

Gorakhnath’s first disciple, Yogi Vardhanath, is said to have accompanied him to the site where the Gorakhnath temple in Gorakhpur was later established, giving the city its name. The temple, now sprawling over 52 acres, owes its present form to Mahanta Buddhanath (1708–1723). Historical accounts reveal that Asaf-ud-Daulah, the Nawab of Awadh, donated land to Baba Roshan Ali, a fakir and devotee of Gorakhnath, in the 18th century.

This contribution revitalised the temple, adding to its grandeur. The tomb of Roshan Ali, located opposite the temple, remains a defining feature of Gorakhpur’s cultural identity. Gorakhpur serves as the cultural capital of Poorvanchal spread over Deoria, Kushinagar, and Maharajganj districts in Uttar Pradesh, Gopalganj and Siwan districts in Bihar, and parts of Nepal, where the Gorkha community traces its roots to the Nath sect.

The temple was a symbol of composite culture until the 1930s, when Digvijaynath assumed its management. In 1937 he became the Gorakhpur chief of the Hindu Mahasabha which was led by V.D. Savarkar. Digvijaynath was arrested after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi but was subsequently released. He broke tradition by entering electoral politics, winning the Gorakhpur Lok Sabha seat on the Mahasabha’s ticket in 1967. He passed away in 1969.

His successors, Avaidyanath and Adityanath, established themselves as champions of militant Hindutva in the region. Avaidyanath represented Gorakhpur in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly and Lok Sabha multiple times, while Adityanath, the current Mahant held the Gorakhpur Lok Sabha seat from 1998 to 2017 when he became the chief minister.

Gorakhnath’s influence extended to inspiring love stories that are now part of India’s rich folklore. In Heer Ranjha, Ranjha, a Muslim, found solace as a disciple of Gorakhnath during his tumultuous love journey with Heer. Similarly, in Sorthi-Brijbhar, Gorakhnath guided the protagonist Brijbhar in his quest for love. Gorakhnath also inspired King Bhartrihari to renounce his desires for his consort Pingla and embrace the life of a yogi.

Lalu's revelations challenge the Sangh Parivar's narrative

Noted Hindi scholar Hazari Prasad Dwivedi, in his work Nath Sampradaya, highlights the widespread presence of Nath sect followers across India. In Punjab, they are known as rawals; in Bengal, as jugis or jogis; in Hyderabad, as darves; and in Konkan, as gosawis. They are found in Awadh, Varanasi, Bhojpur, Magadh, Barar, Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Karnataka.

These yogis sing ballads like Sorthi-Brijbhar, Bhartrihari-Pingla and Heer-Ranjha, as well as bhajans of Kabir, Nanak, Raidas, Dadu, and Meera, alongside folk songs for Lord Rama and Shiva-Parvati, accompanied by the sarangi. They sustain themselves by seeking alms, performing magic tricks, offering herbal remedies, reading palms, and telling fortunes.

The Nath sect rejects Brahmin supremacy, with followers selecting gurus from communities of weavers, dyers, shepherds, and agriculturists. Gurus and disciples wander together, seeking alms. Dwivedi notes that marginalised groups from both Hindu and Muslim communities, often disparaged by the priestly class, embraced the Nath sect across northern and southern India.

“Born in Phulwaria village in the erstwhile Saran district of Bihar, near Gorakhpur, I grew up surrounded by yogis playing sarangis and singing these ballads. Over time, these stories became a source of sustenance for folklorists and folk-theatre artistes performing at weddings and religious gatherings. As Chief Minister of Bihar in 1990, I encouraged folklorists to showcase these performances, a passion I continue to pursue whenever time permits,” Lalu writes in the book.

Lalu’s revelations in the book serve a dual purpose. For lovers of folklore, they offer a treasure trove of cultural narratives. For political strategists, they provide a sharp tool to challenge Adityanath and the Sangh Parivar’s narrative, particularly in Uttar Pradesh.

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