On February 8, in a landmark victory, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) returned to power in Delhi after more than 26 years. With this victory, BJP and its allies now rule in 19 out of 28 states and two out of eight union territories in India.
The BJP’s electoral victories are not just political triumphs; they represent the consolidation of an entire ecosystem – comprising the media, police, judiciary and state institutions – under the ideology of Hindutva.
As analysts dissect the Delhi election results and BJP’s triumph over AAP, let us focus on two critical issues: the psychology of BJP’s win and the disproportionate burden placed on Muslims to uphold secularism.
Also read: Why the Delhi Result Matters Beyond Delhi
There is an uncomfortable truth that irrespective of which party comes to power – be it the so-called “secular” parties or the BJP – India’s Muslim community remains at the receiving end of neglect, wrongful prosecution, discrimination, and systemic violence.
History provides grim evidence: the Hashimpura massacre, Nellie massacre, Delhi pogroms and countless other communal riots have occurred under secular regimes. Draconian laws like TADA and even UAPA were introduced under Congress rule, leading to the wrongful incarceration of Muslims. Additionally, Muslim representation in institutions such as the judiciary, education, employment and politics has remained abysmally low, with little improvement under secular governments.
However, BJP’s victories signal a distinct shift, not just in governance but also in the majoritarian psyche and state machinery. BJP’s electoral triumph is not merely a democratic mandate, it is perceived by many as a step toward Hindu Rashtra.
The mainstream media amplifies this ideology, manufacturing narratives that demonise Muslims, justify violence against them and divert attention from governance failures. This confluence of propaganda and majoritarian assertion fosters an environment where mob lynchings, economic boycotts and attacks on religious sites become normalised.
State institutions, rather than curbing such violence, often act as enablers. Police and judicial complicity embolden perpetrators, creating a culture of impunity. The recent case of the Sambhal Jama Masjid exemplifies this dynamic, where within 24 hours of a PIL, a survey was ordered amid chants of “Jai Shree Ram,” stoking communal tensions. Such provocations frequently escalate into violence, with the state playing an active role, evidenced by police killings of five Muslim youths.
But it doesn’t stop there. Bulldozers are brought in, targeting personal properties like homes, shops and religious sites under the pretext of ‘bulldozer justice’.
What data says about the systemic nature of BJP’s rule
The India Hate Lab Report 2024 documented 668 hate speech events in 2023, delivered predominantly by individuals from the Hindu majority. The findings are stark:
- 75% of these events occurred in BJP-ruled states, UTs, and Delhi.
- 176 incidents (26%) took place in states that held elections that year (Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Telangana).
- 239 events (36%) involved direct calls for violence against Muslims.
- 307 events (46%) were organised by groups affiliated with the Sangh Parivar (RSS family).
- BJP leaders were speakers at 100 such events (15%).
These statistics confirm that BJP’s electoral success correlates with the rise of anti-Muslim hate and violence, further tearing apart India’s social fabric.
Who bears the burden of defeating BJP?
A fundamental question arises: should the responsibility of defeating BJP rest solely on Muslims? Despite overwhelmingly voting against the party, Muslims are scrutinised for their electoral choices. If they vote for Muslim leaders, they are labelled communal, whereas a Hindu consolidation behind BJP is considered a legitimate political strategy.
When multiple so-called secular parties contest against the BJP, the resulting vote division is rarely criticised as a factor aiding the BJP’s victory.
The recent Delhi election offers a striking example. In at least eleven constituencies, the margin of BJP’s victory over AAP was smaller than the total number of votes secured by Congress.
Yet, while Muslim parties like AIMIM are often blamed by secular parties and commentators for splitting votes and allegedly benefiting the BJP, why is the same logic not applied to Congress? Shouldn’t Congress, then, be held accountable for acting as the BJP’s “B-team” too?
Also read: How Did Muslims in Delhi Choose Who to Vote For?
This burden of safeguarding secularism has directly contributed to the declining representation of Muslims in the Lok Sabha. Currently, there are only 24 Muslim MPs – just 4.4% of the total – marking the second-lowest representation since India’s independence. The lowest was recorded in 2014, when their share fell to 4.2%.
This hypocrisy highlights a larger issue: why is the preservation of secularism perceived as a Muslim duty? Why aren’t secular Hindus expected to mobilise within their communities, challenge the rise of hate and work toward an inclusive society? The onus of defending India’s pluralism cannot be placed solely on its most vulnerable citizens.
Moreover, so-called secular parties have historically treated Muslims as a passive vote bank, offering symbolic representation while failing to address systemic discrimination, violence, and socio-economic deprivation. Their reluctance to take a firm stand against Hindutva politics, out of fear of alienating Hindu voters, has further eroded the idea of inclusive governance.
If secularism in India is to survive, there must be a concerted effort from within the Hindu community to challenge the majoritarian narrative.
Just as Muslim leaders and activists have tirelessly worked to resist BJP’s politics, it is time for secular Hindus to now confront communal elements within their own communities, push for ideological reform and demand accountability from parties that claim to be secular but refuse to take a firm stand against Hindutva.
