View from Bangladesh: India Has Lost its Moral Edge as an Example of Handling Pluralism

In the wake of the recent India-Pakistan conflict, sparked by the Pahalgam terror attack, the Narendra Modi government has wasted no time in projecting itself as a bulwark against extremism and a champion of democratic values. Nationalist rhetoric has reached a fever pitch, with state-aligned media painting India as a victim of cross-border terrorism and a beacon of civilisation under siege.

But while strikes on either side of the border were publicised, a quieter, more insidious war continues within India’s own borders – one aimed at its Muslim citizens. Long before Pahalgam, long before the first shot was fired across the Line of Control, the groundwork for this internal war was laid.

Let me take you back to the village of Bishara, Dadri, Uttar Pradesh, where a horrifying event unfolded on September 28, 2015, that would mark the beginning of a dark chapter. Mohammad Akhlaq, a Muslim ironsmith, was lynched by a mob after being falsely accused of carrying beef. His son was beaten so brutally that he ended up in the intensive care unit. What followed wasn’t justice but impunity. The accused walked free on bail, and shockingly, some even shared the stage with Uttar Pradesh’s chief minister Adityanath during an election rally in 2019. On the other hand, as mind boggling as it may sound, police filed a criminal case against the family of Mohammad Akhlaq in July 2016 for allegedly slaughtering a calf. The victim’s family maintained that they never had beef, it was mutton all along, and even laboratory tests proved it. 

A year before this incident, in 2014, Narendra Modi had swept to power, riding on a wave of Hindu nationalist sentiment. His campaign, peppered with overt communal messaging, tapped into deep-rooted fears and prejudices of majority Hindus against minorities, particularly Muslims. After his election, several states swiftly enacted bans on cattle slaughter and beef consumption, further emboldening fringe groups who saw an opportunity to turn bigotry into vigilantism. 

Cow vigilante groups, often with ties to the BJP or its ideological affiliates, mushroomed across the country. Muslims, especially those involved in cattle trade, became targets. A Human Rights Watch report chronicles another such atrocity. On March 18, 2016, a group of men murdered two Muslim cattle herders who were on their way to sell bulls at an animal fair in Jharkhand. The attackers, all linked to a local “cow protection” group, accused Mohammed Mazlum Ansari, 35, and Imteyaz Khan, 12, of selling the cattle for slaughter, then beat them to death and hanged their bodies from a tree. Imteyaz’s father, Azad Khan, said he watched helplessly as the attack took place: “I hid in the bushes when I saw them beating up Imteyaz and Mazlum. If I stepped out, they would have killed me too. My son was screaming for help, but I was so scared.”

In 2017, Pehlu Khan, a dairy farmer, was lynched in Rajasthan while returning home with legally purchased cattle.  The murder was filmed. The evidence was undeniable. And yet, the accused walked free. But police did not let Pehlu Khan go even after his death. Rajasthan police filed a chargesheet against him and his sons for transporting cattle allegedly without the district collector's permission.

According to Human Rights Watch, between May 2015 and December 2018, at least 44 people, 36 of them Muslims, were killed in such attacks across 12 Indian states. During the same period, over 280 individuals were injured in more than 100 separate incidents spanning 20 states. Research by the non-profit Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) has found that more than one in five recorded attacks by Hindus targeting Muslims in India between June 2019 and March 2024 were motivated by so-called “cow vigilantism”.

This exponential rise in repression occurred due to the culture of impunity that the Modi government practiced when it comes to hate crimes towards Muslims. Modi’s India has effectively assured Hindu extremists that violence against minorities carries no consequences. In this new India, the rule of law bends to ideology. Lynching videos trend on social media, while justice remains elusive.

But the world has been taking notice. In 2020, for the first time since 2004, the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) designated India a “country of particular concern” – and has repeated the recommendation every year since. Yet, owing to geopolitical calculations, the US State Department has failed to act significantly.

In its latest report (2024), USCIRF documented instances throughout the year where individuals were killed, beaten, and lynched by vigilante groups, religious leaders were arbitrarily arrested, and homes and places of worship were demolished. It also noted the use of misinformation and hate speech by government officials to incite violence against religious minorities. Furthermore, the enforcement of laws such as the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), Uniform Civil Code (UCC), and various state-level anti-conversion and cow slaughter laws were cited as tools to target and disenfranchise religious minorities. The USCIRF emphasised that these actions represent severe violations of religious freedom.

Reports from Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International also have documented mass detentions of Muslims, discriminatory laws like the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), and demolitions of Muslim homes under the guise of urban planning. In 2022 and 2023, authorities in states like Madhya Pradesh and Delhi used bulldozers to demolish homes and shops belonging to Muslims, most often without due process.

Recently, in early 2025, reports emerged from Assam where Muslim students were denied scholarships, and in Uttarakhand, a new law was introduced that gives police sweeping powers to monitor interfaith relationships, yet another dog-whistle aimed at the mythical "love jihad" conspiracy.

In this long list of incidents of minority oppression of Muslims in India, the newest addition is the Waqf Amendment Act. This law has raised significant concerns among India's Muslim community, as it introduces changes perceived to undermine their religious autonomy. One contentious provision allows for the inclusion of non-Muslims on Waqf Boards, a departure from traditional practices where only Muslims managed these religious endowments. Critics argue this could dilute the Islamic character of Waqf institutions and infringe upon the community's right to self-governance. Additionally, the bill proposes replacing Waqf Tribunals with district collectors for resolving property disputes, centralising authority and potentially compromising impartial adjudication. Another controversial clause restricts the creation of new Waqfs to individuals who have practiced Islam for at least five years, a criterion seen as arbitrary and exclusionary. These amendments, introduced without extensive consultation with Muslim stakeholders, are viewed by many as a threat to the constitutional rights and religious freedoms of the Muslim minority in India.

Neighbours

And yet, this same India, with its appalling record on minority rights, does not shy away from moral posturing on its neighbours. In the wake of Sheikh Hasina’s ouster in Bangladesh in August 2024 – a long overdue end to her 15-year autocratic rule – India unleashed a misinformation campaign accusing Bangladesh of descending into anti-Hindu chaos.

Incidents of violence occurred amid the power vacuum and public fury that followed Hasina’s fall which must be seen in context. Thousands of young protesters were killed by Hasina’s regime, with shootings even conducted from helicopters. As her government crumbled, law enforcement disappeared. In the resulting chaos, local vigilante groups stepped in. Opportunistic crimes occurred – some involving attacks on Hindu homes and temples. But these were driven more by anger at Hasina’s supporters than by communal animosity.

Bangladesh is no utopia, but neither is it a cauldron of hatred. There are isolated cases of communal violence, yes, but these often stem from land disputes or personal feuds, not state-sponsored bigotry. In fact, many Muslim-majority communities actively protected Hindu neighbours in those chaotic days. That nuance, however, is deliberately erased by the Indian media and political establishment.

Why? Because Hasina, for all her repression, was India’s most reliable ally. Her government served New Delhi’s strategic interests –granting ports, access corridors, and cracking down on opposition groups that India deemed a threat. Her fall has left a geopolitical void that India now seeks to fill by painting the new administration under Nobel laureate Mohammad Yunus as radical or unstable.

Let’s be clear. India, not Bangladesh, is facing an existential crisis of pluralism. Under Modi, a once-proud secular democracy has veered dangerously close to theocratic majoritarianism. 

Let’s also not sugarcoat it: India has become a dangerous place for minorities. Its democracy is faltering, and its moral credibility is in tatters. 

Therefore, before Modi and his party points fingers, it should take a long, hard look in the mirror. Because the world is watching. And increasingly, it’s not buying the hypocrisy.

The terror attack in Pahalgam is, without question, a heinous and despicable act that deserves the strongest condemnation. Those responsible must be brought to justice swiftly and unequivocally. But while India mourns the lives lost and rallies against external threats, it must also confront a painful internal truth: systemic repression of its own minorities, especially Muslims, will not bring the country closer to security or stability.

Rushad Faridi is an Assistant Professor of Economics at the University of Dhaka.

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