Salman Khurshid 
Amongst social groups that are being singled out for discrimination in a variety of ways are Muslims, who are at the forefront of loss in many parts of the country. Personal security and dignity score the worst. Yet the scale of pain and indignity being inflicted on innocent people in Manipur tells us that worse can come.
Forbearance and fortitude have been conspicuous in the reaction of ordinary Muslims, but hopefully as a sensible survival crisis strategy and not defeat or surrender to circumstances beyond control. The public strategy to react on behalf of all vulnerable victims rather than identified Muslims hopefully works to underscore the demand for relief without causing further hostility. But there remains a constant danger of ordinary folk losing faith in persons from whom clear advocacy is expected. Self-conscious silence – no matter how strategic – can be demoralising for the intended beneficiaries.
Fortunately, there are innumerable non-Muslims who conspicuously speak their minds. Mewat mayhem is the latest example. Hindu voices of sanity and secularism have kept the faith alive in our common humanity. The sympathy and solidarity expressed by Jats and Sikhs for Muslim brethren is a valuable addition to the annals of communal harmony that is the essence of our nationhood. Despite the ugly scars of the heinous conduct of misdescribed faithful, all is clearly not lost for generations to come. Mewat is a historical symbol of national unity that defied the Partition on Mahatma Gandhi’s appeal. It has once again rejected division.
Also read: With Mewat in Flames, Remembering Gandhiji’s Visit to the Region in 1947
The state’s response by demolishing houses and establishments speaks volumes of the deliberate violation of the rule of law. We do not know the communal scorecard of demolition, but the high-handed response of the administration does little credit to it. Fortunately, the Punjab and Haryana high court stepped in with suo moto proceedings to stay what appeared to be select community-targeted action.
To be honest, one must publicly appreciate the ruling party MP and Minister of State, Rao Inderjit Singh, who showed courage to question the carrying of weapons by participants in the Shobha Yatra procession.
Vehicles torched by the mob are being collected at the bus stand in Nuh. Photo: Atul Ashok Howale
In Haryana’s Mewat, as elsewhere, attempts to raise communal temperature have been going on for a while. Apportioning blame might not be effective or appropriate, but the root cause, to the extent local, must be addressed on priority. It has caused widespread fear and disruption of normal life in a place that has never seen such violence or communal hostility in the past.
Way forward for the Muslims
On the larger picture, the red line has to be firmly drawn to curtail the erosion of values in the public space. Who else can do that but the Supreme Court? It has been trying to keep unwholesome proclivities in check through periodic orders, but some of its interim decisions such as the survey of Gyanvapi mosque may be encouraging people in unimagined ways. Of course, it is a tough job to keep all parties to litigation satisfied with fairness and natural justice. Yet, it might not be ultimately rewarding for the country to be encouraged to believe that in the matter of places of worship, the status quo of decades and centuries might be changed.
The Ayodhya judgment outcome has been accepted by all parties although many people continue to find fault with the legal reasoning. Be that as it may, even as it stands, it does not permit fresh challenges elsewhere having been decided strictly on principles of adverse possession and limitation. To keep the pot boiling, in the hope that with the passage of time, a negotiated settlement might be possible is patently contrary to the lessons of recent history. Some necessary accommodation to address the sense of disquiet – legitimate or otherwise – of the majority makes sense, but continuing down that path to rewrite history will be disastrous for the idea of India – that we the people, captured in the Indian constitution.
Understandably, there is talk amongst minority citizens about what short-term and long-term communication strategies to adopt for a working relationship with the government and the majority they claim to represent. Periodically some people have taken the initiative to join dialogue with high functionaries of the government and leadership of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) with uncertain results beyond photo ops and well-meaning press statements. Others have gone further to secure membership of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and have even been nominated to the Upper House in Uttar Pradesh.
Also read: Muslims Must Dialogue with All Indians, Except Those Who Dream of Their Disenfranchisement
This adds to the support the BJP establishment has had for some time from conspicuous political persons, as indeed the incumbent governor of Kerala. Muslim institutions whose heads have shown implicit or explicit support for the BJP have added precious little to a larger conversation as the bulk of the institutional following are cynical about such efforts, dismissing them as opportunist overtures.
The top minority universities are willy-nilly showing compliance to the wishes of political bosses. It might be too early to estimate the cost of all this in terms of quality and integrity of thinking of faculty and student body. Meanwhile, protests have become difficult, if not impossible, as many students discovered in the wake of the CAA-NRC demonstrations in different cities of the country.
One cannot reject dialogue entirely and hope that both sides engage in it with honest intentions and sincerity. Better understanding of each other is the purpose of dialogue and that might reduce suspicions and misplaced fear. But for successful inter-faith dialogue, an element of internal dialogue in the community might be essential.
We cannot forget that our present condition is largely caused by the absence of internal dialogue ensured by the political ambitions of individuals and political outfits. Of course, before venturing to resume dialogue within the community, we may first need to reassess the performance of those we trusted over the months and years past.
Where have we been let down? Who has failed us and why? Unless we get the correct prognosis for our condition, we cannot take the steps that will provide a cure.
Salman Khurshid is a member of the Congress party, a senior advocate, a former MP, and a former Union minister of Law and Minority Affairs.