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The Cult, Courtiers and the Crisis

What to do with Modi and how to do it, is the million dollar question before the RSS and its chief. 
What to do with Modi and how to do it, is the million dollar question before the RSS and its chief. 
Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarkaryavah Dattatreya Hosabale during the centenary celebrations of the RSS, in New Delhi. Photo: PTI
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It may sound odd, but Prime Minister Narendra Modi has turned out to be the biggest puzzle for the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in its centenary year.

Despite friends and foes alike insisting that the Modi brand is in decline, the organisation that has given birth to the ‘swayamsevak’ – who has outgrown it – is still fumbling on how to ‘tame’ him for its larger politics.

It had to willy-nilly throw to the winds, the 75-year-old deadline set by Modi for others to retire as RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat had himself crossed the mark a week ago than him last month.

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Besides, it is a fact that Bhagwat is neither M.S. Golwalkar alias Guruji nor Balasaheb Deoras, who were known to be the most influential RSS chiefs and were icons for the faithful. Neither does Bhagwat have a Bhausaheb Deoras for his deputy.

As a result, the situation on the ground has changed with Modi becoming a cult figure, as now others cannot measure up to him nor order him around. Modi might have hailed the leadership of Bhagwat as the “most transformative”– but in reality, it is virtually a dig at the RSS chief as to how the PM has created a larger-than-life persona under his watch.

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The RSS does not like personality cults in politics

The RSS might be hailing Lord Ram and Krishna, but it does not like personality cults in politics, apparently fearing that they would undermine its work and influence and that it would become subservient to its political arm.

If seen in business terms, what is happening in the RSS-BJP relationship is almost ditto as regards to HDFC. The housing finance major which had created the HDFC Bank, was forced to get merged into its entity for the greater good.

In reality, that might not have happened in the RSS-BJP relationship. But BJP President J P Nadda’s plainspeak in the midst of the last Lok Sabha polls that the party is competent enough to fight the polls on its own and that RSS should focus on ideological issues, was to tell the old fellows at Nagpur not to interfere in BJP's affairs.

This statement was tantamount to bluntly telling Bhagwat and Co. that the balance of power has shifted and if they want to save their skins, they better behave.

Modi might not have asked Nadda to make such a statement if he was not under the impression of ‘ab ki baar, 400 paar’ was bound to be a reality in the Lok Sabha polls. Now, Bhagwat cannot keep quiet and therefore is taking pinpricks here or there to show that he is not oblivious to the situation.

Rajnath Singh, who was once (and even now could be) the number two minister in the Modi dispensation, sent out a clear signal in a tv interview that Modi is going to continue as the PM after 2029, 2034, 2039, 2043 elections and would call it a day only in 2047 when India celebrates centenary of its independence. That time Modi will be around 97.

Courtiers have their own way of saying things. Interestingly, Rajnath was the chosen man of the RSS when Nitin Gadkari was asked to make way for him in the wake of the alleged Purti scandal. Under Rajnath’s watch, the BJP had given the slogan “Ab ki baar, Modi Sarkar” removing “BJP” and replacing “Modi” in the slogan.

Rajnath could be feeling that he would be out in the cold if Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Aditayanath takes over New Delhi.

Nishikant Dube, another controversial Modi loyalist,  is painting the picture ‘after Modi, the deluge’ seeking to drive home the point that only the PM has the Midas touch.

“After Modi, BJP will be down to 150”, is Dube’s refrain , suggesting that the party would once again see the bad days of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and  L K Advani who failed to ensure even 200 seats in the 543-member Lok Sabha.

BJP dissident, Subramanian Swamy, on the other hand, has been insisting that Modi is becoming a bigger liability day by day. He has told the RSS that if Modi is allowed to continue, BJP should forget coming to power again.

So, what to do with Modi and how to do it, is the million dollar question before the RSS and its chief.  Bhagwat had said that Modi can continue as PM after turning 75, suggesting that what he had said a couple of months back was a joke.

Time will tell how Bhagwat will deal with the crisis, but first he will have to see where he stands amid the crisis within the RSS. The politics of pelf and power can turn asunder any organisation, howsoever strong moral character it might be claiming or its volunteers might be claiming. In RSS’s case, Modi is the PM for 11 long years and he being the master manipulator, knows the price of each man.

Modi knows the RSS inside out

The PM’s repeated flattery of Bhagwat and his constant eulogising the Sangh in recent days should be seen in this context. Signals of ‘all is well’  between the RSS and the BJP represented by the PM as well as Union home minister Amit Shah is only to hoodwink others and to project that the Sangh Parivar is united from top to bottom. They have played this game for long and the centenary of the Sangh shows it is adept at this game.

It is a strange spectacle in the Sangh Parivar. A sidelined RSS is seeking to get its mojo back that will get its ‘veto’ back to rule the Sangh Parivar. It wants to strengthen the BJP in its own way and this could be possible only if Modi is not at the helm.

Modi, who is known for ‘my way or the highway’  has been in power for almost 25 years, first as Gujarat CM and later as PM. He knows the RSS inside out.

Having been used to be controlled by Modi-Shah, the BJP has lost its self confidence. It is unsure of gaining power without Modi. In this battle ,Modi's victory will be RSS's defeat and the BJP will be a loser in the long run. The goodwill gestures between Modi and Bhagwat are just for others to be seen. Everyone in the Sangh Parivar  knows the tension within.

The BJP wants to remain in power for five decades just as the Congress, mainly relying on the  aggressive Hindutva plank. But it has lost majority in the Lok Sabha in its third term.

Modi has managed a majority well with the help of regional parties. But his reluctance to hold meetings of the BJP parliamentary party, as well as party’s national executive and plenary sessions betrays nervousness.

At such a time, the tantrums of US President Donald Trump have hit hard India economically and on foreign policy front, making Modi a leader under siege.

Sunil Gatade and Venkatesh Kesari are New Delhi-based journalists.

This article went live on October seventh, two thousand twenty five, at fifteen minutes past three in the afternoon.

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