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The Digital Construction of Hindutva Needs More Attention

The intersection of Hindutva ideology and social media has redefined political mobilisation in India.
Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty.
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The rise of digital technology has fundamentally transformed political discourse worldwide. In India, this transformation has provided fertile ground for the ideological entrenchment of Hindutva, an exclusionary nationalist movement that seeks to redefine Indian identity along religious lines.

Social media platforms such as WhatsApp, X (previously Twitter), and Facebook serve as critical arenas for Hindutva’s ideological proliferation, creating what can be termed “visualised communities.” These communities are not just imagined, as Benedict Anderson famously posited in his work on nationalism, but actively constructed through digital visuals, memes, and algorithmically amplified narratives.

The consequences of this digital Hindutva are far-reaching, fostering polarisation, shaping public consciousness, and even instigating real-world violence. This opinion piece examines how social media facilitates Hindutva’s rise, the mechanics of its digital mobilisation, and the broader socio-political implications of this phenomenon.

Benedict Anderson’s concept of “imagined communities” described how shared narratives and symbols forge collective identities. In the digital era, Hindutva leverages social media to create “visualised communities,” where identity is constructed and reinforced through memes, videos, and historical reinterpretations. This process has been particularly effective in rewriting history to frame Muslims as perpetual aggressors, a tactic that gained traction around major political events – primarily in the electoral arena.

Table 1: Ranking of organisations by number of events related to Hindu mobilisation

Rank Organiser Number of events
1 Vishwa Hindu Parishad-Bajrang Dal 216
2 Antarrashtriya Hindu Parishad – Rashtriya Bajrang Dal 77
3 Bharatiya Janata Party 50
4 Hindu Janajagruti Samiti 40
5 Sakal Hindu Samaj 38
6 Hindu Rashtra Sena 13
7 Gau Raksha Dal 13
8 Hindu Jagran Manch 9
9 Hindu Mahasabha 6
10 Sri Ram Sena 6

Data Source: India Hate Lab

For instance, during the 2023 Karnataka elections, misinformation campaigns falsely claimed that Tipu Sultan – a Muslim ruler – was a “brutal invader” who oppressed Hindus. Such narratives, propagated through memes and viral videos, were strategically designed to consolidate Hindu voter sentiment. Similarly, after the Supreme Court’s verdict on the Ayodhya Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi title dispute in 2019, digital Hindutva networks flooded social media with visuals glorifying the deity Ram, reinforcing the notion of Hindu resurgence.

Table 2: Distribution of events by political control of states and territories

Category Number of Events Percentage of Total (%)
BJP-ruled states 453 67.80%
Non-BJP ruled states 170 25.40%
National Capital Territory of New Delhi 37 5.50%
Union Territories 8 1.20%
Total 668 100.00%

Data Source: India Hate Lab

Social media algorithms prioritise engagement, often favouring sensationalist content that triggers emotional responses. Studies, including the Ayaan Institute’s 2022 report and Sahana Udupa’s (2020) research, demonstrate that Hindutva content disproportionately benefits from these algorithmic biases. By design, platforms such as Facebook and X amplify divisive narratives, ensuring that communal propaganda – such as the “Muslim invader” trope – reaches a vast audience.

Furthermore, state-backed digital mobilisation plays a crucial role in shaping these narratives. The Bharatiya Janata Party’s I-T cell has mastered the art of online propaganda, utilising paid advertisements and coordinated messaging to flood digital spaces with Hindutva-aligned content. Facebook whistleblower Frances Haugen’s testimony has highlighted that Meta (Facebook’s parent company) was aware of its platform being used for communal hate speech in India but did little to curb it, given the financial incentives tied to engagement metrics.

Unlike traditional social media, WhatsApp operates through decentralised, private group networks, making it a potent tool for ideological mobilisation. The International Journal of Communication has documented how Hindutva WhatsApp groups flourished during the COVID-19 lockdown, spreading conspiracy theories such as “Corona Jihad,” which falsely blamed Muslims for the pandemic. These narratives not only deepened communal divisions but also justified discriminatory policies.

More recently, in 2024, reports surfaced of coordinated WhatsApp campaigns targeting opposition politicians with deepfake videos and edited speeches, presenting them as “anti-Hindu.” The reach of such misinformation is staggering, with messages being forwarded thousands of times within hours, ensuring ideological dominance in digital conversations.

The digital propagation of Hindutva ideology has tangible consequences. Vigilante groups, emboldened by online narratives, use WhatsApp and other platforms to coordinate mob lynchings. Reports have detailed how cow vigilante groups rely on social media to track and target individuals suspected of consuming beef, often leading to fatal attacks. One such case was the 2023 Jharkhand lynching, where a viral WhatsApp message falsely accused a Muslim man of cow slaughter, resulting in his public execution by a mob.

Digital networks also cultivate a culture of ideological purity, pressuring individuals to conform to rigid nationalist frameworks. Self-surveillance is encouraged within these groups, where members are expected to actively share and engage with Hindutva content, reinforcing a closed feedback loop of communal bias.

While digital spaces have empowered Hindutva’s expansion, they have simultaneously eroded democratic discourse by silencing dissenting voices. Critics of Hindutva, including journalists, activists, and academics, face online harassment campaigns, often state-backed. The arrest of fact-checker Mohammed Zubair for “hurting religious sentiments” was emblematic of how digital platforms are weaponised to suppress critical voices.

Even independent media platforms struggle to counter Hindutva’s digital dominance. Algorithmic biases ensure that low-engagement content – often more nuanced and factual – struggles to reach a wider audience. Additionally, demonetisation tactics on YouTube and X have financially crippled alternative news outlets, making it difficult for them to sustain operations.

The intersection of Hindutva ideology and social media has redefined political mobilisation in India, constructing exclusionary “visualised communities” that deepen sectarian divides. The unchecked spread of communal propaganda, facilitated by algorithmic amplification and grassroots digital networks, poses a serious threat to India’s pluralistic fabric. Ensuring a more inclusive digital space requires urgent interventions from policymakers, tech companies, and civil society.

As India navigates its digital future, the battle for democratic discourse extends beyond electoral politics – it is a battle for the soul of the nation. A vigilant, informed, and proactive response is imperative to safeguard India’s constitutional commitment to secularism and diversity in the digital age.

Nirmanyu Chouhan is a researcher of politics and society.

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