Around two decades back, much before the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) under Prime Minister Narendra Modi came to power at the centre, a young Raja Singh was busy pursuing a two-pronged agenda which in later years became central to the mainstream Hindutva playbook.

Singh, whose recent resignation from the BJP raised several eyebrows, was among the first in Telangana to campaign on "love-jihad". The term lacks any legal basis but is still used to allege that Muslim men lure Hindu women into romantic relationships to convert them to Islam.

As a member of Hindu Vahini, a right-wing group (not to be confused with Hindu Yuva Vahini founded by Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath), Singh and his close followers in the older parts of Hyderabad in Telangana (then a part of undivided Andhra Pradesh) carried out awareness campaigns to dissuade inter-faith relationships painting young Muslim youths as predators with ulterior motives.

Devoid of any political affiliation, it was also the time when he was facing the full wrath of police crackdown (the state was ruled by the Congress). He also donned the role of a ‘Gaurakshak’ and as a cow vigilante, stopped vehicles with impunity in Hyderabad and its outskirts and seized cattle, mostly from Muslim traders alleging that they were being ferried to slaughterhouses. Between 2003 and 2009, despite repeated arrests and cases, these twin campaigns propelled Singh to a right-wing poster boy.

They were accompanied by fiery and inflammatory speeches, especially directed at certain sections of minorities and the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM). It won him a loyal base of supporters and eventually election victories, first as a corporator and then as a BJP legislator.

Today, Singh’s notoriety and popularity make him the most recognisable face of the BJP from the south of the Vindhyas. For observers, his radical style and focus areas tick all the boxes of a hardcore BJP follower, but for the party, its limits have been tested. The BJP has answered the question, ‘how extreme is too extreme’.

Singh too feels let down and believes he ought to be given his due. The party, which had suspended the leader once, has now unhesitatingly accepted his resignation after the three-time MLA resigned criticising the BJP’s new state leadership. “BJP doesn’t need a writer, it needs a fighter,” he told the media pitching his candidature against the new state president, Ramchander Rao, a soft-spoken lawyer. Despite the visible friction, the fact remains that a long umbilical cord exists between both the parties – Singh and the BJP.

Strong community support

Thakur Raja Singh belongs to the Lodh community whose origins can be traced to Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. The community, categorised under Other Backward Classes (OBC) in Telangana, is concentrated across the Hyderabad region numbering anywhere around one lakh. Community elders believe that their forefathers migrated around 400 years back to serve in the army of Golkonda rulers and hence, some of their families can still be found in the neighbourhood of Golkonda fort.

In today’s times, they are a dominant force in Dhoolpet area, which falls under Singh’s Goshamahal constituency, where around 50,000 voters of the community exist. For decades, the area was synonymous with backwardness, crime and stigma as illegal liquor trade flourished here forcing successive governments to introduce reformative steps. Bakkani Narasimhulu, former president of Telugu Desam Party’s (TDP's) Telangana unit who has been with the party since its inception recalled one such step from the 1980s that involved the Lodh community.

“When NT Rama Rao was the Chief Minister, he was all for upliftment of neglected sections. I remember him appointing some of them from Jummerat Bazar to the posts of home guards. This prompted a strong reaction from Congress leaders who argued against those with criminal backgrounds being inducted into law enforcement duties,” says Narasimhulu.

As the community battled its past shadows and diversified into making Ganesh idols, kite business and private jobs, political representation eluded them. Singh hailed from a poor family with failed business ventures behind him including a cassette shop. He gained prominence as a Hindu activist in the 2000s and young community members rallied behind him believing in his potential and leadership. A couple of incidents in particular turned Singh who is often addressed withe the moniker 'tiger', into a full-fledged politician.

In 2007 and 2008, he organised massive processions in Hyderabad to inaugurate the statues of Rani Avanti Bai Lodh, a warrior queen revered by his community. This cemented his standing among the Lodh community. In 2009, he debuted in politics with a TDP ticket in Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation (GHMC) elections. He won Manghalghat division as a corporator with an unexpected majority. In 2010, he spearheaded a large-scale Ram Navami procession. According to the police version, provocative speeches on this eve led to communal riots, leading to the arrest of Singh and his associates.

Till date, Singh leads large processions during Ram Navami and Hanuman Jayanti which have become an integral part of his brand of politics. If earlier, the Lodh community rallied behind him, the Shobha yatra and subsequent riots made a wider section of Hindus back him wholeheartedly. He joined the BJP in 2013 and was given an MLA ticket from Goshamahal constituency in 2014 assembly elections. He won with a handsome majority trouncing former minister and senior Congress leader, Mukesh Goud. Since then he has maintained an unbeaten streak winning the elections three consecutive times.

Crime and controversies

A rowdy sheet was opened against Singh in as early as 2004. He was an accused in the murder of Christian pastors on the outskirts of Hyderabad. He was also an accused in an attempt to murder case involving police officials. He has been acquitted in both cases but his string of criminal cases is still lengthy. As per his affidavit filed during 2023 Assembly elections, Singh had more than 85 cases against him, which include charges of kidnapping, rioting, criminal conspiracy, waging war against the state, unlawful possession of arms and creating enmity between groups.

However, his controversial statements earned him more spotlight than the cases. In 2022, he threatened to burn down the venue of comedian Munawar Faruqui’s show as he alleged his style of comedy as mocking Hindus. In the same issue, he passed controversial remarks against Prophet Mohammad which sparked protests and Singh was arrested. In one instance, he called actor Saif Ali Khan ‘love jihadi.’

He urged Hindus to demolish Aurangzeb’s grave and even offered to send Asaduddin Owaisi by plane to Palestine for his support to the cause. Singh’s hate speeches are not confined to the Muslim community as he is also seen targeting Christians, accusing them of converting Hindus. Singh’s personality is no more limited to Hyderabad as he is seen as a sought-after guest at various political platforms across the country. In the virtual world he is a bigger hit, thanks to his video statements. But he has been met with some action there. Meta deleted Facebook and Instagram accounts which were linked to Singh and seen as promoting his views.

Losing home ground but gaining widespread support

Talking to his past associates and community members from his constituency, one gets a sense of feeling that they have developed a perception that he has “changed”. Some of them openly say that they no longer support him because he has deviated from his path. A former loyalist of Singh who did not wish to be quoted said, “Once, Raja bhaiyya and I along with 4-5 other youth stopped a truck carrying cattle. We were surrounded by 200 people but Raja Bhaiyya stood his ground and showed no signs of fear. At that time, all he had was a bike and no political tags. Can he do that now? Does he even come in public when we need him?”

There are others who recount how Singh rode alone to Hindu slums in the middle of the night whenever there was a distress call due to communal tensions.

“He is busy making videos now and enjoying social media fame. He comes into public only when thousands gather during big events. He has become inaccessible and doesn’t fight for Hindus like he used to,” said another person who knows Singh closely.

Despite disappointment in his home ground, Singh has cultivated an image and legion of followers beyond the boundaries of Hyderabad, due to his digital activity and speeches at events. There is a sense of confidence in Singh’s camp that he has developed the reputation to win elections anywhere in the country and not just in Hyderabad.

Latest flashpoint for resigning from BJP

Singh has submitted his resignation to the party multiple times in the past. This time around, his grouse is that the party elected a state president who he feels would not steer the party to glory. At the same time, he feels neglected that he wasn’t picked as the candidate even though he has shown interest to take over the party’s reins in the state. According to sources close to him, Singh did not expect the BJP central leadership to accept his resignation.

In the past, there were differences and repercussions but ultimately both sides patched up. He was suspended by the party in 2022 only to revoke it and to give him a ticket in the following months. His past threats of resignation were also met with mediation and reconciliation. This time around, it was a different outcome.

Singh is known to be a lone wolf and a rebel who doesn’t maintain a camp or practise conventional politics. As a result, he continues as a single entity in the party and remains aloof from the existing state leadership who most often distances themselves from his statements.

However, there are many from the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and even the BJP who side with him.

“Undoubtedly, he is an individual leader but with a mass following. These are the people who win elections for us. He should be given importance and brought back into the party. In case, Raja Singh starts his own party, BJP will be the biggest loser,” says a senior member of VHP in Telangana.

In 2014, Singh emerged as a giant killer. In 2018, despite a strong Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) party wave which saw the defeat of party president Kishan Reddy, former party president and senior leader K. Laxman, and other BJP heavyweights, Singh was the only BJP candidate who made it to the assembly, saving the face for the saffron party. In 2023 elections, sitting BJP MPs like Bandi Sanjay and D. Aravind lost but again, Singh triumphed. Despite an impressive run as a public representative, he was denied any key post within the party.

He was not even made BJP city president or a floor leader in the assembly which ultimately went to a first-time MLA in the aftermath of 2023 assembly elections. Now, the party turning down his ambition to run as party president seems to have upset Singh. But through BJP’s lens, Singh may not cut ice with rural Telugu voters due to his mother tongue and ancestry as he would still be seen as a north Indian.

Even his community, though an OBC, is limited to Hyderabad with no sizeable vote bank in the rest of the state. But most importantly, the party and its leadership does not seem very comfortable with Singh’s aggressive tone which most often go beyond party’s diktat and discipline. Singh’s position becomes more vulnerable as Telangana BJP’s leadership is usually known to practise soft Hindutva when compared to their counterparts from elsewhere in the country.

Singh needs BJP as much as the party needs him

What will be the next move of Singh? Contrary to speculations of switching to other party, the reality is that neither Singh nor any political party can take the risk of joining hands. Singh’s unique image will be diluted if he joins Congress or the BRS. On the other hand, both the parties will be compelled to unwelcome him keeping the minority vote banks in mind and also due to the compulsion of projecting themselves as secular parties.

The GHMC elections are around the corner and the BJP is keen on putting up a good show. Singh’s constituency falls under GHMC, and he would want to flex his muscles. Though hazy, the road would be clear around the December winter when elections are scheduled.

“How far away can they both go. They will come together very soon. It is just a matter of a phone call from the Delhi BJP office,” said a person close to Singh. In the current ecosystem, Singh needs BJP as much as the BJP needs him.

The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.