Besides indulging in other propaganda tactics, a favourite pastime of those who engage in divisive politics is to attack Muslims by targeting the Urdu language. Under this political stratagem, ‘Kathmulla’ is the latest term being frequently used in the Hindutva rhetoric.
In such a scenario, the book Urdu Mein Mera Doosra Janam by journalist and writer Rohini Singh, who hails from the Sikh community, serves as a reflection of the prevailing politics of hatred.
Rohini’s family history traces back to their migration from Rawalpindi in Pakistan to Hazaribagh in undivided Bihar during the tumultuous period of Partition. Her ancestors were proficient in Urdu, which was also the medium of the sacred text ‘Guru Granth Sahib’ that was read in her home.
However, over time, Urdu gradually disappeared from their household. Now, Rohini represents the fifth generation of her family, who has not only rekindled their connection with Urdu but is also taking forward their journalistic career in this language.
It could have been viewed as a commonplace occurrence, as anyone can learn any language at any point in their lives. So, what distinguishes Rohini’s proficiency in Urdu as a notable accomplishment? Is it something newsworthy that a non-Muslim in India can read and write in Urdu?
The use of Urdu and Muslims interchangeably in the political arena
Let us address the second question first, which requires us to turn a few pages of the political landscape in the new India during the Modi era.
When I discuss the political landscape of this new India while considering Rohini’s book, I find myself reflecting on the historical context of when exactly did Urdu and Muslims come to be used interchangeably in the political arena.
The question does not have a singular, definitive answer. Nevertheless, we can explore the nature and characteristics of this political landscape through the perspectives of figures such as Maulvi Abdul-Haq, Tara Chand, Mahatma Gandhi, and Bhagat Singh, as well as in the context of modern discourse following Gyan Chand Jain.
The gist is that politics mingled with malicious intent has seized the opportunity in its attempt to kill Urdu and Muslims with the same dagger.
Numerous instances of this political exercise exist. However, recently, the Chief Minister (Wazir-e-Ala in Urdu) of Uttar Pradesh, “Yogi” Adityanath, has intensified the rhetoric surrounding this issue by labelling those who read Urdu, particularly Muslims, with the term “Kathmulla.”
While it is clear that he was specifically targeting Muslims with this term, the repercussions have also extended to those who are not Muslims but have a connection with the Urdu language, whether directly or indirectly. The chief minister, visibly frustrated by questions surrounding the demand for inclusion of Urdu alongside other regional languages in the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly, has made a concerted effort to push his political agenda.
Journalist and writer Rohini Singh with her book Urdu Mein Mera Doosra Janam. Photo: By special arrangement.
This move appears to move beyond the principles of hardcore Hindutva, as he has taken a stance against Urdu – a language his party and the RSS members openly use to promote their ideology, even going so far as to misuse the National Council for the Promotion of Urdu Language, the largest Urdu organisation under the Government of India, to further their objectives.
Adityanath apparently wants to send across a loud and clear message through such rhetoric, regardless of whether it impacts the stance taken on Urdu by RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat or even Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself.
It is uncertain whether the so-called political affection for Urdu expressed by Bhagwat and Modi, can be labelled as “Kath-Mullaism.” However, he ought to be reminded that non-Muslim leaders such as Inder Kumar Gujral and Manmohan Singh, both of whom were proficient in Urdu, have served as prime ministers of this country.
Adityanath seeks to wield a double-edged political dagger
Referring to Adityanath’s remarks regarding Urdu in the UP Assembly, some, perhaps naively, attempted to dissect his words and identified terms of Arabic and Persian origin such as ‘tabqa, payedan, sarkar, bachchon and duniya’ and argued that he was criticising Urdu while using the language itself.
Isolating words in this manner is detrimental to any language for a variety of reasons.
If we select all the words from Adityanath’s speech in this fashion, we may be perceived as learned individuals burdened with extensive dictionaries of languages such as Arabic, Persian, and Sanskrit, or as self-serving politicians.
But language transcends lexicons. It is certainly not as straightforward as the equation two plus two equals four.
The fact is that Adityanath was expressing himself in the casual tongue that is a blend of Urdu, Hindi, and Hindustani, and represents the rich cultural identity of this nation even today.
One cannot easily shed this identity, as the language and culture of India are inherently intertwined with it. What cannot be deciphered is how different words originated and became part and parcel of our perceptions and will continue to do so.
Also Read: Adityanath’s Remarks Against Urdu Assail the Constitution
Those who determine the regionality and nationality of words and languages are akin to those who seek to undermine the diversity and vibrance of this nation in the name of Hindutva.
It is also not surprising that Adityanath seeks to wield a double-edged political dagger. Otherwise, instead of using the term “Kathmulla” while talking about Urdu, he would have recalled the non-Muslim “Mulla” who hailed from Lucknow, mastered the Urdu language, composed exceptional poetry, translated prolifically from English to Urdu, and ultimately served as a judge in the Allahabad High Court.
In fact, this “Mulla” was elected as a member of the Lok Sabha, and served as the inaugural chairman of the Uttar Pradesh Urdu Academy, which operates under the current BJP government.
Those who seek to take away Allahabad from Akbar Allahabadi’s name should be made aware of Pandit Anand Narayan “Mulla”, who once remarked at an Urdu conference held at Jamia, “Urdu is my mother tongue; I can renounce my religion, but I cannot forsake my mother tongue.”
Rest assured that he had not the slightest antagonism for his religion. It was merely his way of showing immense love for his language.
Even if we assume that saffron politics is unaware of this “Mulla”, is it also not acquainted with the Hindutva ideologue Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, who is regarded as a patriot despite his proficiency in Urdu and his poetry, though crude and unrefined, in that language?
While it is possible to compile a list of prominent non-Muslim figures who have excelled in the Urdu language, can one really expect any favourable political development for Urdu, particularly coming from saffron politics?
Envisioning Muslims and Pakistan upon hearing the term Urdu
The fact is that upon hearing the term Urdu, Adityanath envisions Muslims and Pakistan. This may explain his intent to vehemently push his political agenda by portraying Iqbal as the epitome of Muslim identity, alluding to phrases such as “Muslim hain hum watan hai sara jahan hamara…” (Muslims we are, for us the whole world is our nation) to support his stance.
This aspect of Iqbal bothered Anand Narayan “Mulla” too but he neither played communal politics around it nor turned his back on Urdu. Here’s how he responded to Iqbal instead:
“If you were devoted to the Kaabah, why did you enter the abode of idols, If you were averse to wine, why did you enter the tavern? You were proud of being a Hindi (hailing from Hind, or India) till not long ago and became a Hejazi (hailing from Hejaz) overnight. The old reveller of this gathering became a namazi (one who offers the Muslim prayer) overnight.”
Mullah does not label Iqbal as a “fanatic” here; rather, he is expressing discontent over imposing a religious garb on the inherently secular nature of Urdu.
This is perhaps why he titled his poem, ‘Shikwa to Iqbal’ – a complaint directed towards ones’s beloved, accompanied by a sense of regret.
The politics surrounding Urdu in new India remains largely unchanged from that of old India, with the primary focus being on the Muslim community with the objective of fostering polarisation. Otherwise, individuals of various ethnicities and backgrounds who have achieved prominence and are proficient in Urdu can be found not only in India but also in countries as far-reaching as France and beyond.
In discussing Rohini’s book and her command over Urdu, I wish to emphasise that her proficiency in the language represents a significant accomplishment for me. This is particularly because while our politics often seeks to portray Urdu solely as a Muslim language, and now, as ‘Kathmulla’, Urdu reveals itself in a variety of nuanced forms.
Rohini’s emergence in Urdu serves as a significant representation of the essence of these very colours, and may also reflect a stance of defiance against the politics of animosity.
Translated from Hindi by Naushin Rehman.
