A PM Dependent on the Opposition Doesn't Bode Well for BJP

Odd as it may sound, the first and foremost fallout of Operation Sindoor appears to be Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s belated realisation that he is not a Vishwaguru.

As India found itself virtually friendless following the conflict with Pakistan, the world seemed to come crashing down for the country’s strongman leader.

The Modi faithful have long subscribed to the belief that he is the greatest leader India has ever produced.

But the cat is out of the bag: the head of the world’s largest political party has been forced to rely on the opposition – as well as on non-BJP parties – to reach out to the world.

This, despite the fact that the BJP has shown little regard for non-BJP parties over the past 11 years, often ridiculing or attempting to split them. Modi’s “Congress-mukt Bharat” campaign, launched a decade ago, is proof enough of his anti-opposition agenda.

The decision to send seven multi-party delegations to world capitals may be dismissed by some as a public-relations stunt or event management, but it also marks the prime minister's tacit recognition of the opposition, be it to save his skin.

Some argue that Modi is now leaning more on the opposition than on his own party or government to convey to the world that India is united in the knowledge that it has been a victim of Pakistan-sponsored terrorism.

Much like Indira Gandhi, who visited global capitals in the run-up to the 1971 Bangladesh war as refugees poured into India from East Pakistan, Modi could have batted on the front foot too.

Instead, the non-BJP-dominated delegations have exposed the BJP’s relative weakness abroad despite its 240-plus seats in the Lok Sabha.

That Shashi Tharoor of the Congress is being projected as the “most suitable boy” by a once-hostile BJP is an implicit admission that the ruling party lacks diplomatic heft. Temporarily leaving aside the politics and controversy surrounding his inclusion, the message is clear.

Interestingly, the move has revived the fortunes of sidelined BJP leaders like Ravi Shankar Prasad, dropped from the Union Cabinet and long awaiting rehabilitation in the wings.

It also brought back into the spotlight former Congress ministers Anand Sharma and Salman Khurshid, the latter having served as external affairs minister during UPA II.

Even former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, a political non-entity since he quit the Congress, has been engaged by the BJP for the outreach as well.

The handling of the crisis has meanwhile underscored Modi’s lack of vision and broad-mindedness – qualities once attributed to Atal Bihari Vajpayee – in engaging with the opposition and cultivating personal rapport with its leaders.

While Modi has cultivated a larger-than-life image domestically over the past decade, his stature on the international stage appears to have diminished.

Had he built stronger relationships with world leaders, Donald Trump might have refrained from ridiculing India day in and day out, and from hyphenating it with Pakistan.

Also read: Modi’s Cult-Driven Foreign Outreach Efforts Have Left India Friendless

Meanwhile, BJP hard-liners who once talked of reclaiming Pakistan-occupied Kashmir now find themselves isolated. One wonders why such developments are unfolding during the 'Amrit Kaal.'

Modi’s rhetoric, including lines like “chun chun ke marenge (we'll target and kill you)” and “ghar mein ghus ke marenge (will enter your homes and kill you)” created much domestic bravado, but the abrupt cease-fire announcement by the US president was a damp squib.

Although the mainstream media continues to echo Modi's narrative, Modi himself has failed to capitalise on the situation internationally. An Indian journalist currently visiting the US notes that the American media has shown scant interest in the conflict.

Modi’s loss of narrative control after Operation Sindoor is also evident in the BJP high command’s inaction over the controversy surrounding Madhya Pradesh minister Vijay Shah, who sparked outrage with his remarks about Colonel Sofiya Qureshi.

That the Supreme Court had to order the formation of a special investigative team of top police officers indicates the matter may be slipping from the BJP’s grasp, a troubling development for the ruling party.

Even BJP allies, such as Union minister Chirag Paswan, have gone on record to say that had Vijay Shah been a member of his party, he would have been sternly dealt with.

Finally, the government’s silence on the opposition’s demand for a special parliamentary session suggests that the questions being raised, particularly about the Pahalgam terror attack and its aftermath, are deeply uncomfortable for those in power.

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