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After June Rebuff, India Backs SCO Statement Condemning Israeli, US Strikes on Iran

Following the Israeli strikes on June 13 on Iranian military and nuclear sites, Iran had retaliated with a wave of missiles and drones, prompting further exchanges, and eventually US strikes on Iranian facilities.
Devirupa Mitra
Sep 01 2025
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Following the Israeli strikes on June 13 on Iranian military and nuclear sites, Iran had retaliated with a wave of missiles and drones, prompting further exchanges, and eventually US strikes on Iranian facilities.
A general view of participants attending the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit at the Meijiang Convention and Exhibition Center in Tianjin, China. Photo: PTI
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New Delhi: Two and a half months after refusing to back an SCO statement against Israeli strikes on Iran, India signed on to the Tianjin declaration that “strongly condemned” military action by both Israel and the United States.

Adopted at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Tianjin on Monday, September 1, the declaration said member states “strongly condemned the military strikes by Israel and the United States of America”, calling them “a gross violation of international law and the UN Charter” and “an infringement” of Iran’s sovereignty.

It warned that such actions, which caused civilian deaths and damaged nuclear energy facilities, “undermine regional and international security” and have “serious implications for global peace and stability.”

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India’s endorsement marks a contrast with June 14, when it distanced itself from an earlier stand-alone SCO statement a day after the Israeli strikes began. At that time, the Ministry of External Affairs issued a note making clear that New Delhi had not participated in the SCO’s decision-making and limited itself to expressing “deep concern” and urging dialogue and diplomacy.

Also read: From SCO Hall to Aurus Limo: Modi and Putin Put Bonhomie on Display in Tianjin

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The Israeli strikes on June 13 had targeted Iranian military and nuclear sites, reportedly killing 78 people, among them three senior security officials and Tehran’s top nuclear negotiator Ali Shamkhani, and damaging the Natanz nuclear facility. Iran retaliated with a wave of missiles and drones, prompting further exchanges and eventually US strikes on Iranian facilities.

While staying out of the SCO’s June statement, India later associated itself with a BRICS declaration on June 25 that also referred to the Iran strikes. That text, however, was much softer. It only spoke of “grave concern” and avoided naming Israel or the United States.

There has been no official explanation for India’s change of stance on Iran strikes.

The Tianjin declaration also expressed "deep concern over the continuing escalation of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict," denouncing actions that have resulted in "numerous civilian casualties" and created a "catastrophic humanitarian situation" in Gaza. 

The joint statement underscored the urgent need for "an immediate, complete and sustainable ceasefire," unhindered humanitarian access, and renewed efforts toward peace and stability.

This condemnation comes against the backdrop of a sharply deteriorating situation in Gaza. In August 2025, the UN-backed Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) officially declared famine in the Gaza Governorate. Over 63,000 people, mostly civilians, have died since Israel’s military actions began in Gaza in October 2023, after the terror attack by Hamas.

Also read: Modi Cites Pahalgam at SCO, Tianjin Declaration Refers to Attacks in Both India, Pakistan

While endorsing the political and security language in Tianjin, India continued to withhold support from parts of the SCO’s economic agenda. The declaration reaffirmed backing for China’s Belt and Road Initiative, with Russia, Iran, Pakistan and Central Asian members noting “ongoing work on the joint implementation” of the project. India did not associate itself with this section, maintaining a position it has held since joining the SCO in 2018.

The declaration also referred to the Economic Development Strategy to 2030 and its implementation plan but noted they would be carried forward only by “interested Member States”. That careful phrasing reflected India’s decision to opt out, continuing a stance it first adopted in 2023.

Other parts of the Tianjin declaration were also placed under the “interested states” rubric. Provisions on the SCO Development Bank, the use of national currencies in settlements, and cooperation through the Qingdao trade and economic zone were all framed as initiatives to be advanced only by willing participants. 

Unlike with the BRI and the 2030 strategy, where India’s non-endorsement is known, it is unclear whether New Delhi has opted out of these other measures.

This article went live on September second, two thousand twenty five, at thirty-seven minutes past twelve at night.

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