The Bihar assembly election results surprised many – not so much because of who won, but for the scale of the victory. Numerous explanations have emerged to account for this massive pro-incumbency vote. A widely accepted theory across ideological lines attributes the outcome to women’s support for Nitish Kumar and his policies, cutting across caste divisions. In the run-up to the elections, Rs 10,000 each was transferred to 1 crore women, implemented through Bihar’s Livelihood Promotion scheme called ‘Jeevika’ – a move most commentators agree proved decisive.

Even prior to this election, women in Bihar were widely perceived as strong supporters of Nitish Kumar’s government because various schemes of his government specifically targeted girls and women. While these schemes have undoubtedly shaped women’s positive perception of the incumbent government, attributing the electoral outcome solely to them oversimplifies a complex political reality. Other factors such as the ruling coalition’s broader caste alliance, the wrangling over seats, the suddenness and chaos of the last minute SIR exercise, the seeming partiality of the ECI – must be considered, among other factors.

In focusing solely on the “women’s vote,” much of the commentary risks portraying women as apolitical beneficiaries whose support can be bought rather than as active political agents with legitimate grievances and diverse motivations.

Pro-women schemes or targeted campaign

The flagship schemes for women and girls in the state have been undeniably useful, but have not been without their flaws. 

The alcohol ban, for instance, was certainly a game changer in the initial period, with reports of reduced domestic violence. However, alcohol soon became easily available across Bihar again, and may no longer be reported for fear of consequences given the harsh punishments under the prohibition law. The alcohol ban has led to a wide prevalence of other addictions, like smack and inhalants, which have afflicted a large section of young men and even children.

In our work across six districts of Bihar over the past few years, we have encountered ongoing concerns about drug abuse and related crime. Many women, both individually and in women’s group meetings, have repeatedly raised the issue of their sons’ addictions and the associated violence and criminal activity. For example, in Sitamarhi, while discussing education and employment opportunities for young people in the village with a group of women, one woman grew visibly distressed. She explained that although there were no jobs, what concerned them even more was that many boys were habitually ‘high’ on substances. She described how their eyes were rolled back and how they appeared drugged, a description that was echoed by others in the group, who shared additional examples and expressed their sense of helplessness about the escalating situation. The women questioned why the government was not taking any action to address these problems.

When asked why they did not attend school regularly, adolescent girls in Muzaffarpur raised the issue of substance abuse, explaining how it was negatively affecting the school environment. In Araria, we encountered children as young as ten addicted to sun-fix, a substance used to fix bicycle punctures and easily accessible. Women expressed deep anxiety about their sons’ futures and the implications of such behaviour for the safety of girls and women in the community. The Indian Express reported a four-fold rise in drug related cases in Bihar since the imposition of alcohol prohibition in 2016. Despite its widespread prevalence, this critical issue was not addressed at all during the elections.

The Jeevika Mission has been hailed for collectivising women and giving them a forum, but its success in improving livelihoods is uneven. Loans are often cornered by the more influential members of the groups, while the entire group suffers when they default. Women also reported that while the loans were useful to meet expenses, they were often too small to set up profitable businesses.

Also read: Seven Takeaways From Bihar 2020 Provide Context for the Verdict in 2025

In fact, despite access to credit through this scheme, most women were heavily indebted to omnipresent microfinance institutions that provide easy loans at exorbitant interest rates. There are multiple reports of cruel extraction practices and families even having to migrate to escape these loan sharks. In most cases, the loans were for consumption expenses related to a health emergency or a marriage. There have been no initiatives to ease this problem or to regulate the credit market.

In our field work, women of all ages raised the issue of lack of employment for themselves and their families as a very serious concern. While young men migrated to other states, women could not do that because of various mobility restrictions as well as household responsibilities. Agriculture labour was available but patchy with low wages and NREGA work has also not been sufficient, coming with issues of delayed wages.

Even where few non-agricultural jobs were available, transportation was a barrier and the pay was so low that it was not worth it. In Muzzafarpur, one woman reported working in a biscuit factory for as little as Rs 5000 a month, of which she had to spend Rs 1,000 for the shared auto to get there. The few local jobs that young school graduates could access fetched them Rs 7,000 to Rs 8,000 a month at most.

Cycles for girls, and panchayat reservations

Cycles surely brought girls to school but issues related to quality of schooling and lack of employment opportunities for young, educated women remain relevant. With regard to reservation in Panchayat elections, 33% reservation was introduced nationally by the Congress-led government in 1992. The Nitish government expanded reservations to 50% as did many other states and this was a commendable move. Yet, there is no evidence to show that these initiatives, undertaken so long ago and not entirely attributable to the state government, continue to influence voting preferences.

High voter turn-out

Another factor in favour of the narrative that women held the key to these election results is that a larger proportion of women (71.6%) than men (62.8%) turned out to vote. While women have consistently voted in higher proportions than men in the state since 2010, this election marks the first time that, even in absolute numbers, more women than men cast their ballots (five lakh more). This is particularly noteworthy considering that a higher number of women than men were removed from the electoral rolls after the controversial Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise conducted just before the elections.

Multiple factors could have contributed to high women’s turnout. About 1.8 lakh Jeevika ‘didis’, most of whom were also recipients of the ₹10K transfer, were directly deployed as booth level volunteers by the Election Commission. It is curious that several women’s scheme workers (yojnakarmis), like anganwadi workers (1.2 lakh), ASHAs (around 1 lakh), and mid-day meal workers (over 2 lakh) who are employed by the government to deliver welfare schemes, were not mobilised by the EC as volunteers. These women have been protesting repeatedly over the last two decades demanding fair wages and better work conditions. The wages and allowances for cooks and ASHAs were also increased a month before elections but they remained dissatisfied as it was too little, too late - as also verified by mid-day meal workers in meetings with them held in West Champaran and Araria districts. 

Further, there are reports that the entire Jeevika cadre (Jeevika didis and Jeevika community mobilisers) were also unofficially mobilised to garner votes in favour of the ruling coalition. Jeevika didis are the members of the self-help groups whereas community mobilisers are facilitators who receive a small honorarium.

Women social activists in Araria and Katihar, during a meeting when the state elections were being discussed, mentioned how Jeevika community mobilisers were visiting women group members late at night, explaining to them why they should vote for the ruling party. Apparently, they were being told that the Rs 10,000 would have to be returned if there was a change in government, whereas if the chief minister returned they could get Rs 2 lakh as was promised. 

Hearing women’s voices

Much of the current analysis tells a simplistic story of women as grateful beneficiaries, ignoring the complexity of their lives and drowning the voices and concerns of millions of women in the state who are grappling with earning a decent livelihood while aspiring for a dignified and better life for their children. 

In a deeply patriarchal state like Bihar, it is not easy to hear women by visiting public spaces alone. It’s when you meet women in private in the aangan (enclosed space) and not the public dalan (open hall) that you hear them.

Also read: Politic | In Bihar Verdict, Victory Masks Democracy

One of us was with a group of women in a small meeting in one of their homes, soon after they had received the Rs 10,000, discussing what they thought were important election issues, when one of them said, “It was not like we asked for this money, it was given to us, we can’t just go and cast our vote for this payment.”  While we seem to be moving into an era where women are being considered the movers and shakers determining election results, it is disappointing that nobody seems to be listening to what they really want.

Their priorities as articulated in multiple meetings and conversations include lack of employment opportunities, poor education, expensive healthcare, rising prices, low wages and the menace of addiction. These were not raised by any political party effectively. It is not surprising that women, in their wisdom, chose what they thought is best among the available choices. It is for us to understand that along with the welfare schemes the complex factors that determined such a choice – most likely not just the welfare promises, but their own caste and class locations, political understanding and expectations from the state.

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