Add The Wire As Your Trusted Source
For the best experience, open
https://m.thewire.in
on your mobile browser.
AdvertisementAdvertisement

In Volatile Manipur, Power-Sharing Among Ethnic Groups Is the Solution

The only solution is power-sharing through federal institutional mechanisms, which reach local democracy in a manner that most sections feel empowered with a fair share of resources.
The only solution is power-sharing through federal institutional mechanisms, which reach local democracy in a manner that most sections feel empowered with a fair share of resources.
in volatile manipur  power sharing among ethnic groups is the solution
Video screengrab showing Manipur CM N. Biren Singh with Union home minister Amit Shah in Manipur. Photo: Twitter/@NBirenSingh
Advertisement

It is over a month since the ethnic strife between two prominent communities of Manipur, Meiteis and Kukis, broke out in this tiny state of 22,327 sq km  and 2.8 million people. Such a violent ethnic conflagration was last seen three decades ago on September 13, 1993, when Kukis were massacred by the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak Muivah). This time, it’s between the dominant Meiteis and hill-based Kukis. What began as a tussle over coexistence and sharing resources, primarily land and jobs, is boiling down to a Kuki demand for self-administration.

Vidarbha and Gorkhaland have been dormant for the past seven years, but now there’s this new demand for a separate administration by the Kukis. Another such demand, which affects Manipur, is the inclusion of the Naga-dominated area in the proposed Nagalim. India’s Northeastern ethno-cultural potpourri has confounded the policy makers, though it is divided into seven states. Bodoland, Karbi Anglong, a state for the Garo and Khasi-Jaintia communities in Meghalaya, Tipraland in Tripura ― these demands remain in the political arena, causing violent movements from time to time. To accommodate ethnic demands for self-governance, distinct identity and a fair share in economic resources, the mechanism of sharing sovereignty through regional and district councils was designed and implemented. At present, there are 29 such councils, of which 25 are in the Northeast. The fires are doused temporarily, but the Northeast has defied a permanent solution.

The States Reorganisation Commission, appointed in 1953, went about its task, recognising the cost of change, the unity and security of India, language and culture, financial viability, regional planning, balanced economy and the issue of smaller vs larger states. Broadly, the creation of states on a linguistic basis was already agreed upon. The Commission recommended 16 states and three Union Territories. However, the States Reorganisation Act of 1956 created 14 states and six UTs.

But these were far from the final redrawing of India’s internal boundaries. Not surprisingly, Bombay State was bifurcated into Maharashtra and Gujarat in 1960 and Haryana split from Punjab in 1966. Between 1956 and 2019, India has been reorganised into 28 states and nine UTs, and several demands for statehood persist.

Also read: Medicine Shortages, Uncertain Educational Futures: Manipur Is Reeling Under Many Impacts of Violence

Advertisement

Elevated to statehood in 1972, Manipur is covered by asymmetrical federal provisions of Article 371C. It empowers the President of India to constitute a committee of the MLAs from the hill areas to modify rules of business. Section 158 of the Manipur Land Reforms and Land Revenue Act, 1960, providing special provisions regarding Scheduled Tribes, safeguards against the transfer of tribal land to non-tribals in order to preserve tribal customs and their land-holding system. It does not mitigate alienating the purchasing rights of indigenous communities other than the tribal communities; it lays down a double procedure to prevent land alienation, requiring the permission of the Deputy Commissioner and the consent of the District Council, bestowing great responsibilities on these institutions. The 1972 presidential decree, ‘The Manipur Hill Areas Committee Order’, empowered the tribal Legislative Assembly members (19/20 members) as a Committee to protect and safeguard the interest of the tribal (hill) areas against state legislation and executive actions, specifically those introduced by the dominant community legislatures. The Manipur (Village Authorities in Hill Areas) Act, 1956, a parliamentary legislation, safeguards and protects the institution of the tribal chief, but non-tribals do not have the right to be elected to or participate in election to this office.

These areas of the state were given an elected District Council to maintain the sharing of sovereignty at the sub-state level. Since not only 19 ST seats in the legislative Assembly and two Lok Sabha seats are reserved, the question being asked is if these should be considered adequate reservation. Aside from that, Meiteis also resented their lack of rights in the hills. Kukis, on the other hand, resent the preferential treatment of Meiteis.

Advertisement

Peeved Meiteis looking for ST status appealed to the Manipur High Court. Its March 27, 2023 order ruled that the demand was justified and the state government should forward it to the Union government for action. Fearing a deluge of the majority Meiteis in their domain, the Kukis lost their nerve and violence erupted on May 3.  Since Manipur is a crucial border state, the violence needed to be tackled deftly, but Chief Minister N Biren Singh, a Meitei, did not inspire confidence among the Kuki population. The police are partisan in handling such agitations, so much so that the police chief had to be removed and a new one brought from Tripura.

The RSS and BJP have worked hard for the past couple of decades to gain electoral advantage in the Northeast. In four states, the BJP has its own chief minister and in three it is an alliance partner. Despite toning down its Hindutva agenda in the region, the local ethno-religious composition does create uneasy political relations. In Manipur, for example, only 41.39% of the population is Hindu, mostly Meiteis. Christians constitute 41% of the population. Muslims are a tiny 8.4%. Obviously, political mobilisation on the basis of religion would create a powder keg.

Advertisement

The only solution is power-sharing through federal institutional mechanisms, which reach local democracy in a manner that most sections feel empowered with a fair share of resources. The national leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah have a huge task at hand.

Advertisement

A political scientist, Ajay K. Mehra was Atal Bihari Vajpayee Senior Fellow, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library and Principal, Shaheed Bhagat Singh Evening College, Delhi University.

This piece was first published on The India Cable – a premium newsletter from The Wire & Galileo Ideas – and has been republished here. To subscribe to The India Cable, click here.

This article went live on June sixteenth, two thousand twenty three, at fourteen minutes past ten in the morning.

The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.

Advertisement
Advertisement
tlbr_img1 Series tlbr_img2 Columns tlbr_img3 Multimedia