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Juxtaposing Modi with Indira Gandhi is Possibly a Tad Too Early

Indira Gandhi stood up against American pressure tactics. In contrast, Modi evoked a sense of dismay after declaration of cessation of hostilities against Pakistan during Operation Sindoor.
Indira Gandhi stood up against American pressure tactics. In contrast, Modi evoked a sense of dismay after declaration of cessation of hostilities against Pakistan during Operation Sindoor.
Narendra Modi and Indira Gandhi. Photo: File.
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Jitendra Singh as a Union minister is in charge of six portfolios. He ‘holds’ two of these – Science and Technology and Earth Sciences ‘independently’ and four others – Personnel and Public Grievances and Pensions, Atomic Energy, Space and most importantly of the Prime Minister's Office, as Minister of State but not holding independent charge.

Excluding Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Singh is one of the 71 ministers of different categories in the Union Council of ministers, not a small number in this highly-centralised Union government, especially given that, barring the odd minister, others do little but ensure that decisions taken (you know where) are speedily followed up.

In his first post of the morning on July 25 on X, Singh referred to Indira Gandhi for having been ‘overtaken’ by Modi.

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At few minutes past nine am, his message to the public had a large picture of Modi positioned significantly ahead of a clearly diminished Indira Gandhi. The raison d'être behind such use the pictures of the two was Modi crossing Gandhi’s record of holding consecutively for 4,077 days to become “India’s second longest-serving Prime Minister.”


Several other ‘firsts’ were listed across Modi’s name, none of which can be denied. There is only one ‘achievement’ that can be somewhat contested – Modi has not yet become the “only PM (after Nehru) to win 3 consecutive national polls”: he did not ‘win’ the 2024 polls, but merely cobbled together a majority with the assistance of alliance partners.

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A better way to make this claim would have to write that he is the only leader after Nehru who came to power thrice in succession after Parliamentary elections. But then, BJP is hardly given to nuances.

Modi’s record is not a committed champion of free speech and democracy

What however is clearly false is the spin another BJP leader gave to this purely statistical accomplishment. A party spokesperson claimed that while Modi had become PM in 2014 with public support, both Indira Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru “became the prime minister for the first time due to the inevitability of circumstances or political manoeuvring of the circumstances, not due to public support.”

The same can be said about Modi too. After all, he became chief minister of Gujarat in October 2001 without ever having held any public office or even being elected as member of any legislative body.

He ascended the office of the CM because a handful of BJP leaders decided to replace the then incumbent, Kesubhai Patel. All formal processes were undertaken only after Modi landed in Ahmedabad after the decision was taken, and party MLAs were presented with a fait accompli.

But, what Nehru and Gandhi have been accused of is little but ‘New history’ in the so-called New India. If the BJP remains in office for some more years, we can expect this contention too being incorporated in school history textbooks.

But, because Modi and Indira Gandhi have been juxtaposed, it is worthwhile to compare the two on various parameters. Importantly, this statistical record has been ‘broken’ close on the heels of Modi and the rest of the BJP and others of its ilk demonizing the latter for ‘trampling’ democracy by imposing Emergency fifty years ago.

On this count itself, Modi’s record is not a committed champion of free speech and democracy. Contrarily, during the past eleven years, freedom of expression has been clearly quashed and divergent viewpoints of public personalities, and even not so public individuals but who may made a post on the social media, have been harangued by the foot soldiers of the Sangh Parivar who crawl every crevice of society.

In the last few years, various State institutions as well, have been hollowed out. This includes the legislature and the judiciary. For instance, the constitutional post of the Deputy Speaker has been vacant since 2019.

This is a clear indication that this government considers Parliament as a body to merely endorse its decisions and not as forum for bipartisan debate and discussion from which a consensual view of a given situation can emerge.

Additionally, in an unprecedented move, a retired Chief Justice of India was nominated to the Rajya Sabha. At the same time, from the beginning of Modi’s tenure, several other judges being appointed as Governors in various states.

These are little but dangles for members of the judiciary with clear message: be committed to ‘our cause’ and we shall ‘take care’ of you post-retirement.

Modi matches Indira Gandhi almost completely, and even goes beyond

In fact, Modi matches Indira Gandhi almost completely, and even goes beyond. Almost every social and political ailment, barring the promotion and backing of physical targeting of adversaries and ‘others’ of today, owe their genesis to many practices she initiated: from converting Indian polity into being purely personality-driven, besides calling for a ‘committed’ bureaucracy, judiciary and of course the media.

The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral rolls in Bihar, now almost complete even before the Supreme Court has heard the arguments for and against the exercise, is evidence that Modi is moving towards disenfranchising a large section of ‘politically inconvenient’ and ‘socially deprived’ voters.

Despite paying lip-service to democracy and its institutions, this government under Modi’s leadership is formulating a new definition of democracy: Of the ‘select’ people, by the ‘select’ people and for the ‘select’ people.’

In contrast, before being tempted to slide further down the crevice of authoritarianism to tighten her stranglehold, Indira Gandhi chose to call for elections.

On the contrary, Modi does not shy away from holding elections, and probably shall never be, but not before reducing the entire poll process into a partisan exercise. Now even the electoral rolls are being ‘selectively trimmed’ in the name of eliminating ‘intruders’ from the voters list.

Modi’s intentions were clear even before being declared as the victor in 2014. On the last day of April that year, after voting in Ahmedabad in the morning Modi clicked selfies with his inked finger held out. He later posted a photo on Twitter (now X) saying, "Voted! Here is my selfie."

He even took out a small roadshow. For this blatant violation of the election code of conduct, the Election Commission ordered an FIR or First Information Report against him.

Modi knew that the FIR would come to a naught and to further mock officers of the poll body, he tweeted "Selfie is in! Share yours using #SelfieWithModi & see what happens."

This became the standard practice after every election, parliamentary or for the Gujarat Vidhan Sabha. Now, no one gets incensed with this repeat offence and the ECI looks askance.

Initially, Modi was often compared to Indira Gandhi. People knew his over-centralising and dictatorial ways as was the latter. On his part, in his initial years, Modi did not spout venom against her, reserving his munitions for Jawaharlal Nehru. It was evident that he had sneaking admiration for her although he could not have made this evident.

Understandably, Jitendra Singh and the BJP ran her down even while glorifying Modi for ‘beating’ Indira Gandhi’s record. But, it is important to note that the backdrop of the challenges the two faced at the onset of their tenures.

A comparison of the challenges faced by Indira and Modi

For starters, Indira Gandhi assumed office when India had not yet been able to pull out of the uncertainties created by two wars in quick succession – 1962 and 1965.

Additionally, although Shastri had somehow steadied the ship after the colossal sense of loss at Nehru’s passing, his death had come unexpectedly.

Unlike Nehru, he had not been wracked by ill-health as a result, there was little time to prepare for the ‘eventuality’ and moreover, much had to be done by Indira Gandhi.

This was a challenging task for a person without great track record in government although she was politically savvy. Economically, India was in shambles and she had to literally go around the world with a ‘begging bowl’.

In contrast, although Modi took charge of a fairly stabilised economy, his policies have rendered India, into a nation of huge disparities, resulted in massive dropout rate from the nation’s middle classes and extensive impoverishment of large sections of people, especially the poor.

On the national security front, the 1971 war and the manner in which Indira Gandhi stood up against American pressure tactics, the vivisection of Pakistan and creation of Bangladesh made her a demigod in the people’s eyes.

She did not have to claim that there was a streak of divinity in her and instead the ‘title‘ of Durga was bestowed on her by a leader of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, although not Atal Bihari Vajpayee as believed by innumerable people, but by a relatively junior leader at a executive meeting session.

In contrast, Modi evoked a sense of dismay, especially in his core electoral constituency, after declaration of cessation of hostilities against Pakistan during Operation Sindoor.

It is true that Modi benefited in 2019 by air strikes on Balakot and inverted the electoral trend, but as proven by the terrorist strike in Pahalgam, it was no deterrence on Pakistan.

This despite the fact that Modi has far greater resources and there has also been massive technological advancement for constantly playing out one publicity blitzkrieg after another.

Despite imposing Emergency, she not only came back to power in less than three years, but is also recalled with tremendous reverence across large swathes of India despite it being more than 40 years that she was assassinated.

Last, but not the least, Indira Gandhi faced the huge challenge of resurrecting not just the nation, but also a flagging political narrative. The post-independence dream had faded completely and she faced the challenge of stabilizing the Congress ship.

In the Lok Sabha and state assembly elections in 1967, the Congress performance dipped to the mark where it had never been. Yet, by a series of manoeuvres and policy decisions, she seized the initiative, split the party and became a political giant – the gungi gudiya became feted and feared like never before.

But just as she destroyed the Congress party and its organisational capacities, Modi too has smashed to smithereens the BJP’s famed collegial style of functioning.

Additionally, like she locked horns with the Syndicate, Modi too is jostling with the RSS leadership for almost eighteen months.

Indira Gandhi had emerged the victor but it is too early to say who would emerge the long-term winner in this intra-Sangh Parivar jostle, in which Modi seeks functional autonomy and the sangh leadership wants greater consultation and dilution of the Modi cult. Clearly, juxtaposing Modi with Indira Gandhi is possibly a tad too early.

Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay is a journalist and author whose books include Narendra Modi: The Man, The Times and The RSS: Icons of the Indian Right.

This article went live on July twenty-eighth, two thousand twenty five, at thirty-one minutes past eleven in the morning.

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