"Jungle raj", the misplaced label with which Bihar was once branded, is dead and buried – but not in the manner the Bharatiya Janata Party's ecosystem and friendly media would like to tomtom.

Multiple events that have taken place under the watch of chief minister and BJP ally Nitish Kumar suggest that the age of perceived lawlessness associated with the tenures of Lalu Prasad Yadav and Rabri Devi has been replaced with far more insidious and organised crime networks that ironically fatten themselves on the propaganda dished out by those now in power. The loss of resource-rich territory when Jharkhand was carved out also played a part in transforming the nature of crime in Bihar.

Several high-voltage killings and heinous crimes have been committed in the state in the recent past. The gravity of the situation was hammered home by an unlikely heist in which the mangalsutra – the very symbol around which Prime Minister Narendra Modi sought to weave a conspiracy theory aimed at maligning the opposition in the 2024 general election — of  none other than a police inspector was snatched while she was travelling in an auto-rickshaw in the heart of Patna on July 28.

As with much of the propaganda that is amplified by sections of the news media, the phrase “jungle raj” had come to be identified with law and order in Bihar although Patna high court had used the words in a different context. “Jungle raj” was cited by Patna high court on August 5, 1997, on the poor civic conditions in the state capital. The observation was made by the court just a week after Rabri Devi succeeded Lalu Prasad Yadav as chief minister when he resigned over the fodder scam.

The BJP – and sections of the media – projected the high court’s obiter dictum (an incidental statement by the court but not essential to the decision and which need not be legally binding as a precedent) as a description of law and order during the 15-year (1990-2005) tenures of Lalu Prasad Yadav and Rabri Devi. Such was the degree of political expediency that the BJP had not qualms in calling Nitish Kumar’s rule “jungle raj” when he joined hands with the Rashtriya Janata Dal and hailing him as “Susashan Babu (good administrator)” when he would execute one of his now-familiar somersaults and land in the NDA’s parlour.

Changing nature of crime

The sharp jump in the crime rate in Bihar has drawn attention to a three-stage metamorphosis, marked by phases stretching from 1947 to 1990, 1990 to 2005 and  2005 to 2025.

The pre-Lalu era was mostly dominated by crime lords from the 'upper' castes. The whiff of feudalism hung over many crimes that were committed in the four decades when mostly the Congress was in power.

In 1990, the emergence of other backward classes (OBCs) as a political force, had prompted some commentators to come up with the coinage “Mandalisation of crime”. With the highest percentage (14.25) of the state’s population and the chief minister hailing from the caste, the Yadavs played a leading role, although others do not lag far behind. Dacoits, robbers and abductors belonging to different social groups would largely choose their targets on the  basis of caste.

This phase saw the rise of “strongman” figures and an uncommon polarisation. On the one hand were spearheads like Pappu Yadav and Mohammad Shahabuddin. On the other side were Anand Mohan Singh, Suraj Bhan Singh, Chotan Shukla, Munna Shukla, Rajen Tiwary, Rama Singh, Sunil Pandey, Hulas Pandey and Anant Singh.

When Nitish Kumar assumed power in 2005, a perception did strike root that he made a promising start. But the situation gradually worsened, underscoring how the nature of crime was changing.

The gangs of kidnappers who were active in the previous regime were replaced by underworld networks that dealt in liquor, sand and land. The coal mafia, whose portrayal in popular culture also served to demonise the state, found itself more or less redundant as the mineral-rich part of Bihar was hewed out on November 15, 2000, and the new state, Jharkhand, came into being.

Land sharks

In the name of development, the Nitish Kumar government undertook a massive construction exercise, leading to the emergence of a new nexus involving politicians, contractors and criminals. Today, many fear that the state is in their stranglehold.

On July 4, 2025, a prominent health-hub tycoon, Gopal Khemka, was gunned down at the gate of his house situated near the bungalow of the chief justice of Patna High Court as well as offices and residences of the district magistrate and superintendent of police. Gunjan, Khemka’s son and a BJP office-bearer, had been killed outside his factory in Hajipur in 2018. Both murders are being attributed to the activities of land sharks. In a number of such cases, police have been accused of virtually closing the investigations after arresting small fries.

Ironically, the overblown praise of the Nitish Kumar government on law and order created a good impression that prompted non-resident Biharis to snap up flats and plots. They expected big investment in the manufacturing and service sectors. But nothing of that sort happened.

At the same time, the construction boom emboldened real estate dealers to double and triple the price in no time. Patna has been reduced to a concrete jungle with water-logging in several upscale colonies becoming a perennial problem.

Some infrastructure projects were indeed undertaken in the state. But the construction overdrive soon became a source for minting money.  Haphazard construction of flyovers, bridges, roads and other buildings has led to allegations that the floodgates of corruption, loot and crime have been opened.

Instead of exposing the racket, the media continued to praise the so-called growth story. Better equipped and enjoying the patronage of those in power, the new gangs are “superior” to the rustic gang of kidnappers of the pre-2005 era. They also have strong ties with mediapersons and bureaucrats – which means the news of lawlessness is “better-managed” now.

Liquor mafia

In order to off-set the huge loss of revenue suffered by Bihar after the birth of Jharkhand in 2000, the Nitish Kumar government launched a new excise policy in 2007. Liquor barons were invited to establish plants, driving up the number of liquor outlets. A new booze culture was uncorked: the state’s revenue made a big jump but so did the crime rate. Domestic violence and sexual crime by drunken relatives within the four walls of houses increased manifold. But many of these incidents were hushed up in the name of family pride, which ensured that on record, there was no increase in crime.

The media continued to pile praise on the Nitish Kumar government, shunning its role as a watchdog and facilitating a free hand to vested interests. When his own excise minister Jamshed Ashraf alleged a Rs 500-crore liquor scam in January 2010, Nitish Kumar immediately gave him the marching orders. Moreover, a journalist who dared to report the news was transferred out of Bihar. The response of the media this time stood out in sharp contrast with that in 1996-97 when journalists went on the warpath after the fodder scam was unearthed.

But rampant alcoholism was wreaking havoc. Widespread protests by women, especially those associated with self-help groups, broke out. At an event on July 9, 2015, they forced Nitish Kumar to declare that Bihar would be a dry state. In the initial days, women would help police identify and arrest those violating the law. In April 2016, the state government imposed total prohibition and all liquor plants as well as shops were asked to wind up their operations. The move was opposed by the hospitality industry but to no avail.

When the prohibition failed to bring in the desired result, the buck was passed to lower-level police functionaries although allegations had been levelled that the liquor gangs were close to some leaders of the ruling alliance. The alleged links between those wielding power and the liquor mafia were in the spotlight on  August 13, 2025, when the Enforcement Directorate searched the house of Babita Kumari, the mukhiya of a panchayat in Muzaffarpur district and a recipient of the President’s award. She and her husband Bablu Mishra were accused of running a liquor racket.

But in most of the cases, those who were caught and jailed were poor Dalits and members of other backward castes dealing in illegal liquor trade at the local level – the reason behind Union minister Jitan Ram Manjhi’s strong opposition to the ban. The RJD has promised to lift the ban on toddy, which is likely to benefit the Pasis, a Scheduled Caste traditionally engaged in this business.

Field day for mafia

With questions being raised about chief minister Nitish Kumar’s grip on the administration, the land and liquor gangs are having a field day. In such a scenario, when the NDA leaders defensively rake up the bogey of “jungle raj”, the card draws only a few takers.

On the other hand, the RJD is hardly apologetic about it. Delivering an election speech way back in February 2000, the then chief minister, Rabri Devi, told a cheering crowd in a village in Nawada district: “Yes, there is a jungle raj in Bihar. In the jungle, there will be one lion and everyone obeys him.” No prizes for guessing whom she was referring to as the lion.

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