The Karnataka state government was in the news recently as the cabinet approved quota for locals in jobs which was stalled after backlash. The proposed Bill will require private companies to reserve 50% of management positions and 75% of non-management positions and 100% of Group C and D jobs for Kannadigas.
Karnataka is not the first state to do so, Haryana, Jharkhand, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra and other states have time and again attempted to enact laws and policies that mandate to provide quota for the locals. Though many of these laws were scrapped by the courts of law citing ‘unconstitutionality,’ it begs the question: why do the government and political discourses continue to revolve around this debate, and what does it mean for the welfare of the people and the country?
Reservation at a glance
When people are socially stratified and hierarchised into different classes (in the Indian subcontinent context, castes), systemic inequalities emerge and are entrenched. Over time, one class often exploits the other, leading to the perpetuation of hierarchical social structures and exacerbating disparities.
The reservations or providing quotas or affirmative measures were considered to be one of the solutions to bring social equality. The basic principle of providing reservation for the marginalised sections is to attempt to create equal opportunities, mitigating the social injustice meted out historically. However, the reservation debate invariably divides people into two camps. Those who benefit and support the reservation and those who typically have an existing hierarchical advantage tend to perceive the loss of the benefits and oppose the reservation.
Reservation is a highly contextual and subjective issue. From a social justice perspective, reservations have been instrumental in creating equal opportunities in education and employment for marginalised sections of society, which otherwise were systematically prevented from accessing education and jobs.
Reservations based on the region are not new, and Scheduled VI states and states having Scheduled V areas enjoy certain constitutional protection. Due to the populace’s backwardness and the region’s underdevelopment and to avoid further exploitation by outsiders, these areas were given constitutional protection.
The rise of the private sector post-liberalisation of the Indian economy in the 1990s has also emerged as one of the major employment providers. Many scholars argued that with the rise of modernisation, urbanisation and privatisation, caste will lose its essence and relevance. However, the work of Sukhadeo Thorat and Katherine Blocked by Caste scientifically proves that caste reshapes itself to survive and thrive in the private sector and urban areas.
The growing demand for affirmative action in the private sector, which was so far away from the ambit of reservation when introduced, can help move towards the objectives of achieving equity and growth by reducing discrimination and providing equal opportunities. However, creating reservations based on regionality or localness, particularly by rich states such as Karnataka and Maharashtra, without providing scientific evidence for such moves has always drawn flak from the people from other regions as it is seen as a move to deny equal access to the people from other regions.
We must remember that India is a federation of states and certain socio-historical and political reasons have contributed to some states faring better than others. Bengaluru is a city of migrants, with over 50% of its population comprising individuals who have moved from other places, The Times of India reported in 2019. The state capital also tops in terms of per capita income in Karnataka. Understandably, people prefer to migrate to this city due to better employment and livelihood opportunities.
Imagined enemy and the political pseudo-solution
An outsider or migrant is often depicted as an enemy who steals jobs and takes away opportunities, claiming a significant share of the pie. Humans, driven by primal instincts to protect their territory and resources, often struggle to trust and accept strangers in their midst. This reluctance to share resources indicates that we are yet to evolve beyond these animalistic tendencies fully. And yet, cities and the rising newer modern economic arenas demand that we share the space and learn to navigate our interactions and relationships with strangers. It is also true that outsiders during and after the colonial period exploited tribal communities and their resources. Hence, our constitution drafting committee deemed it necessary to safeguard the tribal and other marginalised sections against exploitation by outsiders.
Determining whether an outsider is bad or good is a subjective question. However, history proves that debates over outsiders or migrants being the reason for the lack of opportunities for the locals often led to the rise of fascism or ultra-conservatism. Examples of the Nazi era in Germany, the rise of the far-right in European nations and the US villainising the immigrants are worth noting.
Karnataka has always attracted migrants from the adjacent states of erstwhile Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Apart from these states, there is an influx of people from northern, eastern and northeastern states.
However, some natives have been demanding that migrants speak Kannada, leading to resistance from speakers of other languages. This tension has fueled the rise of Kannada sub-nationalism, which is increasingly evident. There have been multiple reports of altercations between Kannadigas and non-Kannadigas. Notably, Karnataka has a state flag and anthem as well.
Also read: Karnataka’s Jobs-for-Locals Quota: The Idea of Migration as a Bugbear Amounts to Cheap Politics
The vicious cycle of people demanding the government to take measures favouring locals and politicians capitalising on these sentiments is recurring. Without stating the scientific and logical basis for creating such quotas for the locals, it should be seen as a political gimmick rather than addressing the issues that would benefit not only the locals but also the migrants. This trend is evident not only in the Congress-ruled Karnataka but also in the BJP-ruled states such as Maharashtra and Haryana.
What can be done
Instead, Karnataka can address its multiple socio-economic challenges, which require immediate attention, by providing sustainable and comprehensive solutions.
For instance, traffic congestion, particularly in Bengaluru, necessitates expanding public transportation networks and implementing better traffic management to optimise flow and reduce reliance on private vehicles. In addition, enhancing public transport frequency and affordability, along with infrastructure for non-motorised transport, can make commuting easier.
The state’s water crisis can be improved through sustainable practices like rainwater harvesting, recycling and restoration of water bodies and preventing the encroachment of the existing water bodies. One should remember that the expansion of cities cannot come at the cost of depleting natural resources, which in turn adversely affects humankind.
Further, affordable housing is critical, with policies needed to regulate rent, protect tenants, and incentivise affordable housing developments. Bengaluru, in particular, is experiencing a significant influx of migrants, who are filling not only white-collar jobs but also seeking informal employment opportunities in the expanding service sector. As a result, the need for affordable and clean housing has become a pressing concern that requires immediate attention.
Addressing the skill gap through vocational training and industry partnerships will boost local youth employability. Ensuring equitable employment opportunities across rural and urban areas is vital, as well as promoting balanced regional development through infrastructure improvements and business incentives. This comprehensive strategy can lead to a more inclusive and sustainable socio-economic environment in Karnataka.
Nevertheless, the prospective Bill underscores the urgent need for the decentralisation of development across the country. Why is there such a heavy migration to cities like Bengaluru for employment? It’s not a voluntary choice for many but a necessity due to the lack of opportunities in their respective hometowns. This concentration of jobs and industries/services in only certain regions is a glaring failure of governments to ensure balanced regional development.
Companies and industries should not be clustered in one area; instead, they should be evenly distributed across the country to foster growth everywhere. The same may be said about the development within Karnataka as a whole. The development is concentrated in a few cities at the cost of the rural area, and regional developmental inequalities exist.
As this imbalance persists, the local population fears being overwhelmed by outsiders, prompting political manoeuvring, including the introduction of local reservation policies. The root of the issue lies in the uneven spread of economic opportunities, and addressing this through comprehensive decentralisation strategies is critical to alleviating these tensions and promoting inclusive development.
Boddu Srujana teaches economics at SRM University – Andhra Pradesh. Murali D A teaches economics at GITAM (deemed to be) University, Bengaluru. Sipoy Sarveswar teaches Anthropology at Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan.
