Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi shares his secular vision of India with The Wire in an interview with Arfa Khanum Sherwani. As a part of the Jammu and Kashmir National Conference, he has served as member of the Jammu and Kashmir legislative assembly for three terms from 2002 to 2018, and he now represents his party in parliament as MP from Srinagar.
The larger theme of his discussion with The Wire seems to tell us that even though he is an MP from Kashmir, his concerns for the oppressed, the minorities and the marginalised extend far beyond his constituency as well as his religious community.
As he begins his term by calling into question the role of the speaker in the Lok Sabha, many are curious about this MP, his political background and his aims.
Did you intend to bring up the issue of a Muslim MP being called a terrorist in parliament?
This was a spontaneous decision. I saw that a Muslim MP was being called a terrorist while the speaker said nothing, and I felt like it was my duty to bring up this issue. The speaker’s role and duty lies in being the custodian of the rights of MPs, and I felt like this duty was not being fulfilled.
You took your oath in Kashmiri and then proceeded to talk about issues faced by Muslims. Will you be an MP who addresses issues of identity?
I have come from Kashmir with one main aim. I don’t want to simply address the ‘minorities’, but instead, I would like to use another word – the oppressed.
In India, I have seen many sections which have over time been oppressed, whether these be Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Dalits, Adivasis – I want to represent them all. My idea of India is one where there is respect, rights, freedom and equality for all, and nobody is targeted on the basis of their religious, ethnic or gender backgrounds. This is the kind of democracy for which I stand.
I am also a victim of what people call ‘terrorism’. One of my party’s leaders and mentors was killed by terrorists in a landmine blast. He was killed because he believed in democracy, the rule of the constitution and equality for all.
There are many such people who have given their lives for this idea of India, and yet oppression still exists. If a Dalit drinks water at a temple, he can be beaten up. If he eats food from the tiffins of his classmates or teachers, he can be killed. Muslims are lynched. When the Sikh talks about his issues he is called a Khalistani; when a Christian goes about doing his social service, he is called a missionary.
The truth is, we in Kashmir understand the pain of the oppressed and that is why I have empathy for all those who are suffering in their own respective ways.
Kashmir has been the stage for a lot of communal politics, and yet you plan on maintaining a secular perspective?
Kashmir is secular. The kind of Kashmir that we hear about in the media is not the real Kashmir. I am aware that around 1990, there was a brutal exodus where many Kashmiri Pandits had to flee because of fear, because of the gun that was aimed at them. However, I urge you to conduct a survey and confirm that the same gun which was aimed at them was also aimed at the Muslims of Kashmir. That same gun killed Muslims and Hindus alike.
According to the Quran, the death of a Pandit or the death of an innocent is the death of humanity. Yet, during that violent phase of our history, many people died – Pandits, Muslims, civilians, social activists, political activists, security workers. At that time, we were not in a position to save others, because we too were hostages.
One of the first killings at the time was of a Muslim block president. Grenades were strapped to his body and after his death, one couldn’t even locate pieces of his body. There may have been governor’s rule, but guns ruled the street.
During my election campaign, even though there weren’t many Kashmiri Pandits in my constituency, I often used my platform to apologise for that past. It was not our fault and it was not in our control … we are aware that foreign powers were involved and the state was involved, but I still join my hands and apologise for what happened.
I am embarrassed and I insist that we, as a community, feel morally incomplete without the presence of Kashmiri Pandits. It is their home too, and we hope they can come back.
The Modi government has sold the idea of Kashmiri Pandits as an election campaign issue. They have turned the plight of these people into a narrative, a rhetoric for electoral gains. The BJP might want them to come back to Kashmir, but they expect them to live in ghettos, disconnected from their society, in an atmosphere where Hindus and Muslims are turned into enemies.
I just want to say that the Pandits that have returned have been welcomed back and we hope more will come to settle back into their homeland, and not just because of the BJP or films like The Kashmir Files.
Now that I am an MP, I hope to sit down with other MPs and make a genuine roadmap so that we can bring people back home in an organised joint effort.
Films like The Kashmir Files have been used to spread poison, hatred and further create division between Hindus and Muslims. Why do you think such films are so popular?
Unfortunately, there is a large section of the population – not a majority but a large section nevertheless – that has been prepared in a way where they are thirsty for Muslim blood. They seem to have gotten a taste of it and they want more. Therefore, any kind of propaganda where Muslims are demeaned is welcomed by these people.
I watched The Kashmir Files … and I didn’t know the Kashmir that was being portrayed … I spoke to some of my teachers who were Kashmiri Pandits and they too agreed that it was complete nonsense.
By putting out such films, an atmosphere is created where Kashmiri Pandits will find it much harder to return home. The way Kashmiri Muslims were demonised is just completely [contrary to the reality]. I urge people to come to Kashmir, to talk to the Pandits; the reality is very different.
What do you think this election has achieved?
I believe that people voted for me because they want to talk about the unconstitutional abrogation of Article 370. This is not a situation where people are happy with it. The people of Jammu and Kashmir were not given the opportunity to protest against it, journalists were scared, many were imprisoned under the UAPA and our political meetings and activities were shut down and banned.
Therefore, through these elections, I believe people are saying what they could not say earlier.
If the abrogation of Article 370 was truly appreciated, then the BJP could have put three candidates in Jammu and Kashmir who would have easily won the election. However, they didn’t, and I think it is because they too are aware that people are not happy with their decision.
In my whole campaign pitch, I constantly urged people to use their vote as a form of protest and to vote for me if they wanted to stand against the abrogation of Article 370, and I won.
The abrogation of Article 370 is something people consider settled. The Congress doesn’t want to address it anymore and it seems to be out of national politics as well. So why do you keep bringing it up?
In the past, the Supreme Court had given three different verdicts claiming that Article 370 was a permanent feature of the constitution. If three judgements were not enough for the BJP to leave this matter aside, then one judgement will not be enough for us either.
I believe that the federal structure of India should be stronger, and should allow more autonomy and greater sovereignty for the different states. Therefore, every party that wants this federal aspect of India to be stronger should stand with me on this topic.
Since discussions about Article 370 don’t seem to have a space in the political sphere anymore, where are you fighting this issue?
My discussions are with the opposition parties whether they be; in Bengal, the South, the Northeast, Punjab or Maharashtra. Wherever I see like-minded parties, I intend to talk to them about the importance of a stronger federal structure. Such a shared sovereignty will make sure that no majoritarian government can take decisions for its states without their consent and acceptance.
If the Congress ever comes to power and chooses not to address this issue, I believe it would be quite hypocritical of them and that it would go against their ideology.
To fight extremist Hindutva, the Congress has to talk about Muslims, but they don’t seem to want to do that. The Congress cannot continue to play a double game and stand on the fence.
If the oppressed, the Dalits, the Muslims and the other minorities are to place their hopes on the Congress, then the Congress too has to stand with them. They have to explain to people that Article 370 was not anti-national.
Also read: Will Naidu and Nitish Spare a Thought For Kashmir?
Now that you are a MP, what do you intend to do about Kashmir’s political prisoners?
I have spoken about this issue many times during my election campaign. I intend to make a list of all the political prisoners and I want to take that list with me to the home minister, to parliament and wherever necessary to follow up on this issue.
Many of these people have not even begun their trials yet. I also want to make a legal team in my party that will help such people prepare for their trials and fight for them too.
Often, issues of religious, ethnic and other minorities don’t seem to be the priority of the government, as demonstrated by the lack of conversation about Manipur. How do you plan to address this?
I am sorry if I missed the name of Manipur, but when I spoke of the oppressed and the marginalised, I meant Manipur too. There is no better example of oppressed minorities than the present-day situation in Manipur. I have come with the purpose and intent to speak about them and to change the fact that governments do not prioritise their minorities.
Whether they be ethnic, religious or gender-based, I stand with all the oppressed.
Is the National Conference ready to urge the larger opposition INDIA bloc to work harder on safeguarding civil liberties and political rights in India?
Many of our people are in jail, whether it be human rights activists, journalists or members of the party, and I hope to bring this up in parliament and the home ministry. I also want to discuss these issues with Rahul Gandhi so that he may talk about them in parliament.
How do you plan to address the atmosphere of silence and suffocation in Kashmir?
I will go to the villages, the communities, the people, the Muslims; and I will ask them to speak. In Kashmir’s recent past, people have been quiet, simply watching, afraid; but I want people to understand that they need to speak up and voice their thoughts too, for otherwise we will remain helpless.
Now that the opposition is stronger, do you believe Kashmir is stronger too?
Rahul Gandhi did bring up Kashmir in the context of statehood, but I also hope he brings it up in the context of Article 370. I have had the opportunity to talk to many of my colleagues from the Trinamool Congress and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, and what I see is that many are concerned about Kashmir’s issues.
Therefore, I feel like it is my responsibility to tell people about the real situation in Kashmir and to talk about the real challenges that we are facing.
