The first session of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly has concluded, marked by ruckus and heated exchanges between the elected representatives. However, some important developments also took place. On the very first day, one MLA brought a resolution with him, which he read out during the welcome address of the newly elected Speaker.
The move to read out the “resolution” while the honourable Speaker was giving the inaugural address in the Assembly seemed calculated to denigrate and mock the aspirations of the people of Jammu & Kashmir, even as the MLA in question himself admitted that his actions were not in line with the protocol.
The question, then, is that if he knew the resolution couldn’t be tabled or accepted, why bring it up on the first day? Clearly, the aim seemed to be more about optics than addressing the people’s interests. If the resolution had been introduced at an appropriate time, it could have been tabled and potentially passed, but that wasn’t the intention.
On the third day, as routine business commenced, the Jammu and Kashmir National Conference’s resolution was introduced by Deputy Chief Minister Surinder Choudhary and seconded by cabinet minister Sakina Itoo. Not only was it passed, but it also effectively punctured the BJP’s narrative of framing J&K’s special status as a “Muslim issue”.
The same MLA pointed out, the resolution is akin to a constituent assembly. It seems he understood – or someone briefed him – on what the J&K NC resolution stands for. Let’s examine it: “This Legislative Assembly reaffirms the importance of the special status and constitutional guarantees, which safeguarded the identity, culture, and rights of the people of Jammu and Kashmir, and expresses concern over their unilateral removal.”
So, what does it reaffirm?
It reaffirms the significance of the debates and discussions in the two constituent assemblies that led to the establishment of J&K’s special status with constitutional guarantees. Articles 370 and 35A are the outcomes of that process. The resolution also expresses concern that their removal could have serious consequences for national unity.
It calls on the Government of India to initiate a dialogue with the elected representatives of the people of J&K for the restoration of the special status and constitutional guarantees – similar to the process followed by the now-defunct constituent assemblies.
This resolution not only addresses the events of August 5, 2019 but also highlights everything that has been taken from us since accession, whether unilaterally or through gradual erosion – except for the sovereignty of our country.
This includes the removal of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, the change in nomenclature from Prime Minister to Chief Minister, from Sadr-i-Riyasat to Governor, the ousting of Farooq Abdullah in 1984 when he stood firm against the then Government of India for the people of Jammu and Kashmir, the autonomy resolution of 2000, and the draconian SARFESAI Act introduced by Mufti Mohammad Sayeed in 2002, which effectively undermined 370 and 35A. It also includes the introduction of GST by Mehbooba Mufti, the events of August 5, 2019, and the subsequent actions taken since then.
That’s what makes this resolution a true people’s resolution, in contrast to the so-called “people’s resolution” that seeks to normalise the wrongs New Delhi has inflicted on the people of Jammu and Kashmir before 5 August 2019.
Moreover, it aims to help the BJP-led government in New Delhi by diminishing the importance of the resolution passed by the democratically elected government, which holds a mandate to protect the aspirations and rights of the people. In doing so, it creates illusions among the people of Jammu and Kashmir, further pushing them into the despair they have endured for decades.
Furthermore, one could ask, if the second resolution is the “people’s resolution,” then whose resolution was the first one? This duplicity and hypocrisy do not serve the people of Jammu and Kashmir. I am confident that the people are mature enough to understand whose interests are being served by dividing public opinion.
Let us not forget that the enablers of August 5, 2019 – those who helped bring the BJP to power in J&K – cannot claim to be the voice of the people. One, who considers our Prime Minister as his “big brother,” another, who was part of the PDP’s negotiating team with the RSS/BJP and openly claimed that only the current Prime Minister could do something for J&K, and a third person, who helped BJP pass multiple bills in the Rajya Sabha, including two crucial bills on J&K, before being expelled from the party, then brought back and later fielded as PDP’s parliamentary candidate for North Kashmir. We must ask ourselves: Can they truly represent our aspirations, or are they using them to weaken us?
However, the pre-1935 upper-caste landed class, which later transformed into the upper-caste rentier class of the two nation-states – spanning politicians, journalists, and academics – who largely control the knowledge production in Jammu and Kashmir, soon began to criticise the NC’s resolution.
This was because the JKNC led movement had dislodged the privileges they had enjoyed during Maharaja Hari Singh’s rule and aimed to uplift the general population of Jammu and Kashmir. Their criticism is rooted in the hostility they still harbour – a hostility stemming from a loss of power and privilege.
These elites have given nothing to the people of Jammu and Kashmir, and nothing will come from them. We refuse to be mere data for their distorted narrative and must dismantle their monopolised knowledge production, where our stories of suffering and pain are commodified to reinforce their class and caste solidarity at our expense.
That being said, it’s understandable to feel pessimistic in these times, especially when the same government in New Delhi that made the decisions of August 5, 2019 has linked them to “national security,” and a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court has upheld this narrative. However, we must remain optimistic about the future, because the future belongs to the people, not the ruling class.
Therefore, our best resolutions will remain nothing more than empty words if we fail to mobilise the people who can transform them into meaningful action. This is why one of the primary duties of the JKNC, with its substantial mandate, is to build a true people’s party – one that is not merely a political institution, but a movement rooted in the very struggles of the people.
It is not enough to draft policies from the top down; we must actively engage with every section of society, organising collective action, and ensuring that the voices of the marginalised are heard and amplified. The path to change lies in building strong mass organizations that can unite people, inspire them to take action, and provide them with the tools to fight for their rights.
To do this, we must take lessons from our past, especially our ancestors under the leadership of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, whose vision was one of empowerment, education, and mass mobilisation. His legacy teaches us that true change comes not from isolated efforts but from the collective will of the people.
We cannot afford to treat the people as passive recipients of policy; they must be active participants in their own liberation. This means, first and foremost, that we must prioritise education – both for ourselves and for the people we serve. Only by deepening our understanding of their struggles can we build effective solutions that resonate with their lived realities.
But organising alone is not enough. We cannot ignore the daily challenges faced by the people. Whether it is access to basic necessities, economic stability, or social justice, we must confront these issues head-on while keeping our eyes on the broader goal of justice and equality.
We must address both the immediate needs of the people and the long-term vision of a society where their rights are fully realised. Without this dual focus, our resolutions will be meaningless, and our promises will remain unfulfilled. The time for mere rhetoric has passed; now is the time for action.
Irfan Gull is an NC worker and spokesman.
