New Delhi: On Wednesday (October 29), the hills of Senapati came alive with the chants of “Kuknalim!”. Thuingaleng Muivah, the 91-year-old Naga leader and general secretary of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) (NSCN (IM)), stood before thousands after more than six decades away from his home state of Manipur.

Muivah, born in 1934 in Somdal village of Manipur’s Ukhrul district, is the general secretary and one of the founding leaders of the NSCN (IM), the most influential Naga insurgent group engaged in peace talks with the Union government. 

He left home in 1964 to join the Naga national movement and joined the Naga National Council (NNC). In 1980, he founded the NSCN along with Isak Chishi Swu and SS Khaplang. Later, the NSCN split into the NSCN (I-M) and NSCN (K), led by Khaplang of Myanmar and multiple smaller offshoots of the organisation cropped up across the northeast.

Upon his emotional arrival in Ukhrul on Wednesday (October 22), he was received at the Tangkhul Naga Long Ground by thousands who had waited since dawn, many waving church flags and portraits of past Naga leaders in what was described as a "spiritual and historical reunion".

Muivah’s visit inevitably drew attention back on the Indo-Naga peace talks, now in their 28th year. The ceasefire between the NSCN (IM) and the Union government has been held since 1997, and the Framework Agreement of 2015 was once hailed as a breakthrough by the Modi government. But the process remains stuck over two symbols of sovereignty – the Naga flag and the constitution.

However, speaking at an event in Ukhrul on October 22, he asserted that the outfit will not compromise on the issues. “The letter and spirit of the Framework Agreement have recognised and acknowledged the Naga national flag and the Naga national constitution.”

In an interview with The Wire in 2020, Muivah had told journalist Karan Thapar, "The Nagas will never be part of the Indian Union, nor accept its constitution. There can be no solution without our flag and our constitution."

Similarly, in his speech (read by a deputy) on 29 October at Senapati, he struck a somewhat hardline tone, declaring the "historic national decision” for a “sovereign Nagalim” had been “defended and consolidated from the battlefield to the negotiating table." 

He vowed not to compromise, stating, “We have not surrendered the free existence and sovereignty of Nagalim, and we shall defend the sovereign national decisions of Nagalim to the last, come what may.”

Before a crowd of thousands, Muivah’s message was short but direct. “My dear countrymen, through love and forgiveness, let us build up our nation again,” his statement read. “We should never forget our history. We are not lost people. We shall bring an honourable Indo-Naga political solution based on the Framework Agreement.”

Also read: Nine Issues in Manipur That Remain Unresolved Despite Modi’s Belated Visit

It was of course, laden with political meaning but more a moment asking for acknowledgement and also reinforcing memory of a past – for a people whose struggle for recognition has shaped the region’s politics for generations now.

“They (Government of India) started giving ultimatums… We were forced to tell them that come what may, we will stand our ground. We know who the Indians are and their history,” the 91-year-old leader, who is also the chief negotiator in the Centre’s peace talks with the NSCN-IM, said earlier on Tuesday (October 21) in Somdal, as per The New Indian Express.

He added: “We will not come taking your (India’s) history to surrender to you. We will never do that. Whether it is today or tomorrow, Nagas are Nagas and Indians are Indians.”

Notably, in a statement in July 2022, the NSCN (IM) blamed the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) for stalling the Naga peace talks.

“The irony is that this matter was already resolved long back but the RSS factor came in between, questioning how there can be two flags and two constitutions,” the statement had said. “The manifesto of the RSS/Hindutva sharply contradicted the principle agreement of the FA [Framework Agreement]. The actual point of delay started from here.”

In his Senapati message, Muivah reaffirmed that the movement’s core principles remained unchanged. “We shall bring an honourable Indo-Naga political solution based on the Framework Agreement,” it read, a pointed reminder to Delhi that the ceasefire was never meant to be a settlement.

However, the choice of words  “through love and forgiveness” moved it beyond just politics of the moment.

A homecoming long delayed

Muivah’s presence in Manipur was once unthinkable. 

In 2010, his attempt to visit his birthplace Somdal was blocked by the then Congress-led Manipur government at Mao Gate, triggering protests that left two young Naga students dead. For many, that day marked both humiliation and resolve.

Fifteen years later, the story came full circle. Under President’s Rule and with a BJP-led Centre maintaining a careful distance, Muivah was allowed to return – there were no curfews, no blockades. 

The visit began at the Tangkhul Naga Long Ground in Ukhrul, where he was received by thousands. For the Tangkhul community, it was both a spiritual and historical reunion. “The people have shown faith,” said T. Mayonsing Pheirei, a local leader. “Now it’s Delhi’s turn to respond seriously.”

The Manipur-based Zeliangrong United Front (ZUF), however, dismissed Muivah’s return calling it "empty-handed,” underlining there’s "no reason to glorify an individual who failed the Nagas on all fronts."

Is it a good sign for peace?

Across Senapati and Ukhrul, many who came to witness the events spoke less of rebellion and more of reconciliation.

“The fact that the Government of India allowed him to come home is a good sign for the peace process,” said Joyson Mazamo, a Poumai tribesman. “Unlike 2010, when Delhi backed the Manipur government in blocking him, this time the wish of thousands to see him in person was fulfilled.”

For Joseph Riamei from Taphou Naga village, it was about hope. “People are waiting for an honourable solution, even if it takes time. What matters is dialogue, not distance.”

Notably, with the BJP’s ideological parent RSS not on board with the Naga leaders’ demands, it is unclear if the ruling party can commit to a clear stand on the matter. This is probably why even after signing the 2015 agreement there hasn’t been much progress and peace remains only on paper. 

Fault-lines beneath the calm

Manipur’s fragile social balance remains a challenge to any peace. The state’s demographics, roughly 40% Meiteis, 35% Nagas, and 25% Kukis – mirror its complex geography.

The Kuki–Meitei conflict which began in 2023, killed more than 250 people and split the state into ethnic enclaves, still defines life across the valley and hills. The Nagas, who largely stayed neutral, now find themselves walking a fine line between two fractured neighbours.

The tensions are not new. Land, identity and autonomy have long been at the heart of Manipur’s politics. The creation of Kangpokpi district in 2016 was seen by Kukis as long overdue but it was viewed by many Naga groups as encroachment on ancestral land. Meanwhile, Meitei organisations continue to demand Scheduled Tribe status to protect what they see as a shrinking cultural space.

As the Kukis have also consistently demanded a separate administration or Kuki state, the Nagas have never hesitated to express their unease over the proposed Kuki state map covering most of the Naga territories, even some of the major Naga tribes as belonging to the Kuki family.

Also read: PM Modi’s Visit to Manipur Was Devoid of Social Sympathy

"Under the given situation, demanding for separate administration or "Kuki state" is a hugely emotive issue that may unleash new political dynamics if wisdom and good judgement is not exercised with foresight. Thus, a political risk assessment is critically important for the Kuki-Zo community as the Nagas wouldn't allow war-mongering intrusion/provocation into their ancestral domain," NSCN (IM) said in its mouthpiece Nagalim Voice in August 2023. 

In such a context, even a peaceful Naga mobilisation can stir unease. Yet for many Nagas, Muivah’s visit after decades felt like a brief moment of dignity and reflection amid decades of mistrust.

Beyond symbolism

Muivah’s week-long visit ended quietly with church songs, prayers, and civic receptions. There were no new demands or negotiations, only an appeal for peace. The Centre stayed silent but permitted the optics to unfold. This was recognised as a rare occurrence in the state’s otherwise tense political climate.

For those who came from distant villages, that silence felt meaningful. “It was a chance to see our leader, to tell our children that he came home,” said Runmi Chawung from Ukhrul.

Muivah’s homecoming, though emotionally charged, does little to suggest that a conclusive or comprehensive peace accord is on the horizon.

The talks with the Centre remain mired in deep political and ideological complexities with the RSS not coming around as suggested by the NSCN(IM) earlier and the emergence of the Kuki factor further complicating the matter.

With inputs from Tennoson Pheiray.

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