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Can Modi's Newfound Love for Tamil Nadu Translate into Votes?

Kavitha Muralidharan
Apr 04, 2024
Rooted in the legacy of social justice, Tamil Nadu's unique political landscape presents a significant challenge for the BJP – a challenge that the party is desperate to surmount.

On March 30, Tamil television channel Thanthi TV aired over an hour-long interview with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This was the first interview the Prime Minister had given to any channel in India after the announcement of the Lok Sabha elections. Immediately after the broadcast, meme creators in Tamil Nadu had a field day. Chennai-based journalist L Satheesh remarked, “It is hard to find an original clip of the interview on any social media platform, except perhaps on Thanthi TV and Narendra Modi’s official accounts.” He added, “Social media was flooded with memes about the interview—well-crafted memes that appeared as authentic as the original, if not more so.”

The interview was carefully orchestrated to convey a profound message about Modi’s connection with Tamil Nadu. Modi entered wearing the traditional Tamil attire, veshti, which led the anchor to express his own embarrassment about his ‘Western’ attire. Modi then began the interview in Tamil before switching to Hindi, throughout insisting that his connection with Tamil Nadu was “beyond electoral considerations.”

The interview was not Modi’s first attempt to reach out to Tamil Nadu. Since February, Modi has visited the state at least five times to attend meetings and roadshows, where he spoke evocatively about his love for the state, his friends there, and more. In April, Modi will spend another four days in Tamil Nadu to campaign for the candidates of the BJP and its alliance partners. Earlier in January, Modi visited the temples at Srirangam and Rameswaram a day before the idol installation ceremony at Ayodhya. While the Prime Minister has frequently referenced Tamil’s ancient text, Thirukkural, which led to the BJP in the state even dressing up the poet in saffron on one occasion, his recent exaggerated efforts to reach out to Tamil Nadu have raised many questions.

“The BJP and Modi appear to treat Tamil Nadu like an unruly child that needs to be won over, just so they can claim the success as their personal victory,” remarks Mathur Sathya, a young activist from Chennai with a significant following on social media. “They resort to regressive tactics like sengol or attempt to saffronise figures such as Thiruvallur, Vallalar, and Jallikattu to appeal to Tamil voters and push the BJP’s ideology.”

However, Sathya observes that the BJP’s attempts to play on Tamil sentiments have historically failed. “It’s a strategy that the BJP has tried, tested, and found wanting. Their continued use of such gimmicks, including their approach to issues like Katchatheevu, only demonstrates their failure to learn from past mistakes. The Prime Minister’s choice not to visit people in the South when they were grappling with a natural disaster, only to visit a temple weeks later, speaks volumes about their callousness.”

A BJP rally. Photo: X/@BJP4India

Sathya points to the New Education Policy to illustrate the BJP’s ‘perceived love for Tamil.’ “Sanskrit, spoken by only 14,000 people, is mentioned 20 times in the NEP, but Tamil, or languages like Malayalam and Telugu, do not receive the same level of attention.”

Venkatesan, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) MP from Madurai seeking re-election as part of the INDIA alliance in Tamil Nadu, concurs: “The BJP government’s handling of Keezhadi – the archaeological site that unequivocally established the antiquity of Tamil – is a glaring example. The Union government officially abandoned the project; the ASI’s report stated that the site held no significant findings. For about eight years, the government has failed to publish the report of archaeologist Amarnath Ramakrishnan on the site. BJP leaders, including Modi and Nirmala Sitharaman, visit Madurai but refrain from visiting Keezhadi or its museum, merely 15 kilometres away. This silence speaks volumes and serves as a tacit admission of their failure over the issue.”

Venkatesan also points out how the Union government had allotted over Rs 1,400 crore for Sanskrit over the last nine years while allotting a mere Rs 74 crore for Tamil. “They imagine they could woo votes by uttering a Thirukkural or speaking about Katchatheevu.”

Also: AIADMK-BJP Split: What Lies Ahead for Politics in Tamil Nadu and at the National Level?

For decades, Tamil Nadu has resisted the BJP; the party has managed to secure seats in both the Assembly and Parliament only through alliances. This will be the first time the party is attempting to lead an alliance with smaller parties and leaders and hoping to make some inroads. As part of its strategy to attract votes, the BJP has fielded prominent faces. State chief K. Annamalai is contesting in Coimbatore, while former Telangana and Puducherry governor Tamilisai Soundarrajan is facing off against DMK’s Thamizhachi Thangapandiyan in South Chennai.

In 2019, Tamilisai unsuccessfully contested against DMK’s Kanimozhi in Thoothukudi. Well-known BJP leaders like Pon Radhakrishnan and L. Murugan are contesting from Kanyakumari and Nilgiris, respectively, while renowned actor Radhika Sarathkumar, whose husband actor Sarathkumar recently merged his party Samathuva Makkal Katchi with the BJP, will contest from Virudhunagar. But whether the strategy will pay off is anybody’s guess.

Viduthalai Rajendran, the general secretary of Dravidar Viduthalai Kazhagam, doesn’t believe that the resistance to the BJP is solely a social media phenomenon. “I wouldn’t say that there are no communal feelings among Tamils. But the boundary that prevents these feelings from escalating into a frenzy is very strong here. And I attribute that to Periyar and the Dravidian movements,” Rajendran says.

He also points out how Tamils have long recognised the importance of education for development. “Since the 1970s, almost every party and government focused on education. More than communal sentiments, families prioritised providing education to their children. This is social justice. So, the idea of communal fundamentalism couldn’t gain traction in the state. The BJP has been unable to cultivate communal sentiments or portray Muslims as a common enemy in Tamil Nadu.”

“This idea of Tamil Nadu serves as a huge threat for Modi, and that is perhaps why the BJP is desperately trying to crack this tough nut,” Rajendran opines. “Tamil Nadu is the only state to take on the BJP at an ideological level. In Northern states, there is not much of a difference between the BJP and the Congress. In fact, the Congress in several states is promoting a soft Hindutva stance. They have power struggles but not ideological struggles. Only Tamil Nadu wages an ideological war against the BJP. And it’s not a new phenomenon either. The state has been ideologically countering Brahminism for decades now. If Rahul Gandhi speaks about the RSS, he is inspired by Tamil Nadu. So, it is not surprising that Modi and the BJP want to conquer Tamil Nadu.”

Rooted in the legacy of social justice, Tamil Nadu’s unique political landscape presents a significant challenge for the BJP – a challenge that the party is desperate to surmount.

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