Some keen political observers have begun to note how the BJP is now fully emulating the Congress of the 1970s and 1980s in the way it practises rigid centralisation in the management of the party organisation, especially in the context of strategising state elections.
The Karnataka polls particularly exemplified this role reversal in which the BJP’s state leadership was undermined systematically by the Modi-Shah duo and the Congress allowed its state leaders full freedom to manage almost all aspects of the elections with just a light guiding touch from New Delhi.
Noted political scientist and expert on Karnataka James Manor, who participated in a live YouTube discussion on the election results organised by five online news organisations including The Wire, said the Congress (read the Gandhis) had made huge mistakes in the past by imposing chief ministerial candidates unilaterally, thereby weakening the state leadership. He suggested that the Congress had learnt from its mistakes and the Karnataka elections outcome was possibly a reflection of that.
Also read: Gandhi’s Vision Resonates in People’s Massive Mandate for Congress in Karnataka
The BJP, on the other hand, has ensured that no powerful leaders emerge at the state level, as seen in most of the assembly elections held after 2019, whether in Maharashtra, Haryana, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh or Jharkhand. Adityanath seems to be the only exception who is emerging as an independent power centre for various reasons which need not be elaborated here.
The larger point is that the Modi-Shah duo wants to tightly control the party organisations at the state level and make all chief ministers beholden to them.
This is in sharp contrast to the way the Congress has allowed a decentralised management of the elections in states like Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and now Karnataka. Of course, at times, things do appear chaotic because of such decentralisation as multiple power centres emerge. This was seen in Madhya Pradesh in the past and is being witnessed in Rajasthan at present. In Chhattisgarh, too, there have been more than one vocal claimants to the chief minister’s post. Such assertion by state leaders was unheard of during Indira Gandhi’s period when state leaders were too scared to open their mouths in public. Even Rajiv Gandhi had the tendency to talk down to, even insult, state-level leaders.
All this has changed partly because the Gandhi family’s capacity to attract voters on their own strength has declined after the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha elections. But they still act as a glue that keeps the party together in spite of multiple desertions by senior leaders in various states over the years.
Also read: Decoding the Karnataka Election Results in 18 Charts
The Gandhis have figured that the Congress can now revive only in a more decentralised format. In a sense, they have now evolved a new compact with strong state leaders. Some years ago, I asked Congress treasurer Motilal Vora (since deceased) why Rahul Gandhi shows such visible respect for the Kerala leadership. Kerala seems to have a disproportionate influence even in the central decision making of the Congress. Vora said Kerala is a well-oiled, decentralised party machinery which manages its own affairs, raises its own funds, fights elections and helps strengthen the Congress overall. Karnataka, Chhattisgarh and Himachal Pradesh can also fit well into Vora’s description of a new, decentralised Congress. In future, this must remain the biggest strength of the Congress vis-a-vis the Modi-Shah duo if the party hopes to defeat the BJP in 2024.
This piece was first published on The India Cable – a premium newsletter from The Wire & Galileo Ideas – and has been republished here. To subscribe to The India Cable, click here.
