If there is one theme that encapsulates the upcoming Haryana elections, it’s the clarion call for the bhaichara of the 36 biradaris across the state.
While the election buzz has been heightened by Vinesh Phogat’s entry into politics and the lingering impact of the recently concluded farmers’ movement, the emphasis on bhaichara stands out as the one of the most significant aspects of this election.
Though the slogan of the 36 biradaris has long been a cultural idiom in Haryana, many more castes now reside in the state, reflecting its complex social composition.
Historically, the concept of bhaichara was predominantly exclusive, centred around the dominant castes, particularly the Jats, and was an internal matter. It became a key feature of dominant-caste politics, shaped by changes in the agrarian economy, land relations and challenges to traditional marital norms.
Bhaichara aimed to manage internal caste anxieties and tensions to maintain caste unity and preserve dominance. However, it is questionable if it achieved its desired goals. Today, the slogan of bhaichara has resurfaced in a different form.
In this election, we see a new interpretation of bhaichara: the bhaichara of the 36 biradaris, which seeks to include backward castes and Dalits. No party rally, meeting or manifesto can ignore this slogan – be it of the BJP, Congress, Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) or Jannayak Janta Party (JJP). The phrase ‘bhaichara of 36 biradaris’ is prominently featured and highlighted. This slogan reflects a potential solution to the deep-seated caste animosities that have plagued the state for decades.
Haryana has a long history of caste conflicts, particularly between dominant castes and Dalits or OBCs, with land often at the centre of these disputes. Post-colonial shifts, especially after the 1990s, altered material, legal and social dynamics, leaving dominant castes palpably insecure in relation to Dalits and OBCs. This heightened mistrust between these groups, making caste a difficult subject to address and preventing any real form of inter-caste bhaichara from taking root.
These tensions date back to the early 1900s, when the British colonial government introduced the Punjab Land Alienation Act, which excluded Dalits and backward castes from owning agricultural land. In 1935, B.R. Ambedkar warned the colonial government about the consequences of such policies. However, the electoral logic of the time and the rise of the Unionist Party, representing zamindars, solidified the dominance of land-owning castes.
Today, those historically excluded from land ownership make up an important part of the 36 biradaris, and they now wield significant political influence.
The implementation of caste-based reservations in government jobs further strained relations between dominant castes and Dalits, as well as other subordinate castes. Declining incomes and the agrarian crisis intensified the dominant castes’ resentment toward reservations, resulting in violence targeting Dalits and OBCs.
Inter-caste marriages, which challenged the rigid marital norms of dominant castes, also fuelled patriarchal and caste-based violence, including ‘honour killings’ of couples who defied customary practices.
These violent acts reignited caste hostilities, further eroding any chances of fostering bhaichara between dominant and marginalised castes.
The current political landscape is shaped by the logic of post-Lohia representational politics, where the electoral arena can no longer afford to serve a few while marginalising the majority – especially since non-dominant castes now constitute over 50% of Haryana’s population. It is in this context that the slogan of an inclusive bhaichara of the 36 biradaris has emerged.
This new bhaichara has become the focal point of the political discourse, with all parties striving to demonstrate their commitment to this ideal.
For instance, the BJP has shifted its focus from Manohar Lal Khattar to Nayab Singh Saini, signaling its intent to court OBC voters. Phogat and the Hoodas have also expressed their allegiance to the cause of social justice by reinforcing the slogan of bhaichara.
The JJP and the INLD, traditionally associated with dominant Jats, have allied with Chandrashekhar Aazad of the Aazad Samaj Party and the Bahujan Samaj Party to attract OBC and Dalit voters.
These moves underscore the strategy of consolidating OBC and Dalit votes, a critical formula for electoral success.
With Phogat entering the political fray and the echoes of the farmers’ movement still resonating, the issues of gender justice and the agrarian economy are expected to resonate strongly with voters. However, the call for bhaichara also signals a potential shift in social dynamics, offering the possibility of easing, if not ending, years of caste animosity.
Nonetheless, caution is necessary. True bhaichara is built on equality and belonging, and it is deeply intertwined with the “roti–beti” relationships. Inspired by Ambedkar, this bhaichara must move beyond the exclusive confines of caste and evolve into a more inclusive and cohesive fraternity within Haryanvi society.
While the slogan may signal a positive change, it remains just that – a slogan. Historically, dominant castes have done little to foster this proposed inclusive bhaichara and there is currently no clear blueprint for implementing it on the ground. Only time will tell how it unfolds in the post-election period.
The writer is an assistant professor of history in the University of Delhi.
