New Delhi: The air hangs heavy with the combined weight of dust, diesel fumes, and simmering discontent. As the spring sun begins its descent, casting long shadows across the labyrinthine lanes of Karawal Nagar and Mustafabad, the residents of these two Northeast Delhi constituencies prepare to make a choice that will shape not only their immediate future but also the broader political narrative of the nation’s capital.
On the eve of the Delhi Assembly election, these neighbourhoods, scarred by the 2020 riots and burdened by years of civic neglect, find themselves at a critical juncture, wrestling with a multitude of local issues, communal anxieties and national political currents.
The election here is not merely a contest for power; it’s a referendum on the very idea of representation, a desperate search for leaders who can bridge the chasm between promises and reality.
Karawal Nagar and Mustafabad, inextricably linked by geography, shared grievances and the lingering trauma of the 2020 riots, offer a microcosmic view of the challenges confronting Northeast Delhi. The Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) gamble to replace a veteran MLA with a controversial figure, the Aam Aadmi Party’s (AAP) struggle to retain its hold amidst accusations of betrayal, the Congress’s attempts to capitalise on nostalgia and local connect and the AIMIM’s disruptive entry have created an exceptionally volatile electoral battleground where the personal and the political collide.
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Northeast Delhi, a densely populated region characterised by a confusing mix of authorised and unauthorised colonies, is home to a diverse electorate. Muslims constitute a significant portion of the population, alongside substantial Purvanchali, Uttarakhandi and Dalit communities. Each group brings its own set of aspirations and anxieties to the political arena, creating a fertile ground for both unity and division.
Historically, the Congress enjoyed considerable influence in these areas, but the emergence of the AAP, promising a new kind of politics centered on clean governance and development, disrupted the established order. The 2020 riots, however, exposed deep-seated fault lines within the community and shook the AAP’s hold on the region. The BJP, with its emphasis on Hindutva and a strong national security narrative (infiltration by persecuted Rohingyas from Bangladesh), is seeking to capitalise on the resulting polarization and anxieties.
The Congress, meanwhile, is hoping to regain lost ground by leveraging its historical connections and fielding candidates with strong local roots. The AIMIM’s entry into the fray, with its focus on Muslim representation and its willingness to confront the BJP head-on, adds another layer of complexity, raising concerns about vote splitting and its potential impact on the overall electoral outcome.
The BJP’s decision to replace five-time Karawal Nagar MLA Mohan Singh Bisht with Kapil Mishra, a firebrand Hindutva leader known for his provocative speeches and association with the 2020 riots, has triggered a backlash within the constituency.
“Bisht ji was like a family member to us,” 68-year-old Vijay Pal, a retired government employee in Karawal Nagar, tells The Wire. “He knew our problems, he attended our weddings and funerals, he fought for our rights. Mishra is a stranger, imposed upon us by the party high command.”
The resentment is particularly acute among the Uttarakhandi community, who formed a significant part of Bisht’s support base. Bisht’s subsequent relocation to Mustafabad, a constituency he represented before delimitation, has further muddied the waters. While the BJP hopes to leverage his experience and name recognition in the neighboring constituency, the move has been interpreted by some as a sign of desperation and a lack of faith in Mishra’s ability to win in Karawal Nagar.
The residents of Karawal Nagar and Mustafabad are united in their frustration over the persistent lack of basic civic amenities. The roads, riddled with potholes and often inundated with sewage, are a constant source of misery.
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“It’s a nightmare to navigate these streets,” says 40-year-old auto-rickshaw driver Abdul, pointing to a particularly large crater that has claimed countless tires and suspension systems. “We risk our lives every time we step out of our homes.”
The dilapidated sewage system, characterised by overflowing drains and open sewers, poses a serious health hazard.
“The stench is unbearable, especially during the summer months,” complains 58-year-old homemaker Lakshmi. “Our children are constantly falling sick with diarrhea and other waterborne diseases.”
Garbage disposal is equally abysmal, with mounds of trash piling up on street corners and attracting swarms of flies and rodents. “The government doesn’t seem to care about our health and well-being,” says Priyanka, a 28-year-old college student, her voice filled with disgust.
Access to clean drinking water remains a pipe dream for many. In Karawal Nagar, residents are entirely reliant on expensive private water tankers, while in Mustafabad, the water supplied by the Delhi Jal Board is often contaminated and unfit for human consumption. “We have to boil the water multiple times before we can even use it for cooking,” says 62-year-old retired teacher Ramesh.
The lack of adequate healthcare facilities is another major concern. Residents complain about the long wait times and the shortage of medicines at the government-run Mohalla Clinics. “They only have paracetamol for every ailment,” says Preeti, a resident of Kanti Nagar. “We are forced to go to private clinics, even though they are very expensive.”
The absence of a government women’s college in the area has resulted in a high dropout rate among girls after high school. “Our daughters are forced to abandon their education because they cannot travel long distances to attend college,” laments Faheem Baig, a community leader in Jafrabad.
The AIMIM’s entry into the Delhi political scene has injected a new element of uncertainty into the electoral equation. The party’s decision to field Tahir Hussain, a former AAP councillor currently in jail for his alleged role in the riots, has thrown another wrench into the works. While some, especially within the Muslim community, view the AIMIM as a bold and unapologetic voice for their concerns, others express apprehension about the party’s divisive rhetoric and its potential to fragment the secular vote.
“Tahir Bhai spoke truth to power. He is paying the price for standing up for us,” says 28-year-old Farhan, a resident of Mustafabad who lost his brother in the riots.
Meanwhile, older residents, like 60-year-old Abdul Ghani, a tailor, are more cautious. “We need peace, not more conflict,” he says. “Tahir’s candidature will only divide us further,” Rajesh, a 48-year-old businessman, agreed with Ghani.
“The AIMIM is playing a dangerous game,” he says and adds, “Their politics of polarisation will only benefit the BJP in the long run.”
The AAP, despite its impressive track record in education and healthcare, is facing a growing tide of disaffection and skepticism. Many residents feel betrayed by the party’s perceived inaction during the 2020 riots and its failure to address their long-standing civic grievances. The Congress, hoping to capitalise on the disillusionment with both the AAP and the BJP, is projecting itself as a party that can restore harmony and deliver on the promise of inclusive development.
As Karawal Nagar and Mustafabad stand poised on the brink of a crucial election, the residents of these neglected constituencies face a stark choice. Will they succumb to the politics of fear and division, or will they choose a path that leads to unity, progress, and a more just and equitable society?
The answer, to be revealed soon, will have far-reaching implications not only for these two neighbourhoods but also for the future of Delhi and, perhaps, the nation as a whole.
