
“Every country gets the fascism it deserves” Aizaz Ahmad, a famous Marxist theoretician had observed, long back.
Even though there is no debate on the fascist sources of the ideology of its Indian version, the Rashtraiya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), there has been a big debate whether the Indian state under the BJP could be classified as fascist. Often such debate indulges in the micro comparison between the classical version of Fascism/ Nazism of Europe that emerged in the inter war period in the 20th century.
Fascism or any such ideology have some specifities of its origin in the particular time and space. But there are also many universalities since the socio economic conditions that gave birth to the fascist ideology, movement and regime continue to thrive, as Jean-Paul Sartre, also observed in 1967 as a response to a debate whether Fascism is defeated.
The RSS, which took birth in 1925 is one of the longest-running fascist movements in the world today. The world history of Fascism suggests that a fascist party or organisation lives through a fascist movement and its succeeds in capturing state power if only it becomes successful in fascisation of society and polity, meaning destruction of democratic values and polity through continuous ideological, political and physical attacks.
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It was also possible in the societies where the society was ridden with capitalist crisis leading to social crisis and conflicts.
After the BJP government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership came to power on its own strength in 2014 and then won an even stronger mandate in 2019 with a deeply divisive agenda, intense debates had emerged within India’s leftist and progressive circles. These discussions focussed on the fascist nature of India’s current ruling power and the strategies needed to defeat it.
These debates hover around questions like whether the Modi regime, though ultra right in its inspiration, can be called a fascist in classical sense? Or is it neo fascist or simply a new form Indian fascist?
Therefore, knowing about Fascism and the reasons for its birth, growth and success along with its historical variants becomes necessary to understand its Indian variant, its uniqueness and its commonality with the classical ones
There is a tendency to label governments and organisations with authoritarian tendencies inflicting barbaric atrocities as “fascist.” This has led to a common misunderstanding that fascism is merely another term for a barbaric state oppression.
Fascism is not just about brutality
Fascism is a socio-political system that is fundamentally opposed to democracy and human coexistence. It is not authoritarian rule. It is a regime with “popular support and indulgence”. It emerged as an alternative civilisation of barbarity and hate where ultranationalism is used as convincing rhetoric from within the global capitalist economy, particularly in response to crises threatening capitalist democracies.
Roger Griffin in his magnum opus “The Nature Of Fascism” describes the phenomenon as “Fascism is a political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism.” The word “palingenetic” in this case refers to notions of national rebirth.
Thus, limiting fascism to a single party, organisation, or specific violent event fails to grasp its real danger. It also weakens efforts to build a strong, organised resistance against it.
Fascism in other eras and countries
Historically, humanity first encountered the threat of fascism between the inter war period under Mussolini’s leadership. That, along with Germany under Hitler’s Nazi regime are classic examples of fascist rule.
Beyond these, fascist movements gained ground in Spain (under Franco from 1939 to 1975), Portugal, and several Latin American and European countries. The catastrophic economic conditions following World War I, coupled with the failure of liberal capitalist governments, provided the perfect conditions for fascist forces to rise.
Fascist regimes, instead of upholding democratic values, blended their nationalist and racist ideologies with socialist rhetoric. The Nazi Party, for instance, was formally known as “National Socialism” (Nazism). This was a response to the fact that socialist movements, including communists and anarchists, were gaining significant strength among the working class and even had the potential to take power through democratic elections.
With the success of the 1917 Russian Revolution, international socialist and communist movements became major threats to capitalism. Faced with this, the ruling capitalist classes of Italy and Germany – unable to rely on liberal democracy to contain socialist threats – actively supported fascist forces.
These fascists, once in power, crushed communists and socialists with extreme violence. They then eliminated even the anti-capitalist factions within their own ranks, ensuring that capitalism thrived under their rule. Hitler, for instance, popularised anti-Semitic, anti-communist, and anti-intellectual ideologies as core national values, paving the way for worst holocaust and the World War II.
Liberal democracy’s complicity in fascism
Until Hitler directly threatened their own nations, the so-called “liberal democratic” governments of the U.S., Britain, and France initially supported his fascist rule. Ultimately, it was the Soviet Red Army, alongside anti-fascist revolutionary forces in Eastern Europe, that decisively defeated fascism.
Despite Nazi Germany’s defeat, thousands of fascist war criminals were protected and rehabilitated by “democratic” Western nations and Argentina. This shows that for capitalist ruling classes, fascism remains a “reserve political tool” to counter socialist challenges.
Fascism today: India’s unique version
The world, including India, is once again facing a serious fascist threat. While history teaches many lessons, we must also recognise the specific characteristics of fascism in today’s India.
The core essence of fascism – the destruction of democratic society and the installation of a repressive, authoritarian regime with popular support in service of corporate capital – remains unchanged. However, its outward appearance varies from one country and era to another.
Therefore, to determine whether a country has become fascist, we must focus on its essence, not just its form.
How India’s Fascism differs from classical Fascism
While India today is governed by an ultra right regime, it uses democratic structures to destroy the essence of democracy and democratic values. Unlike in early 20th-century Europe, today’s world is dominated by capitalist multiparty democracies. However, in India, democracy has always been a superficial overlay on a deeply entrenched Brahmanical caste hierarchy.
The caste system, which enforces extreme social oppression and violence, has now become an integral part of “Hindu civilisation and consented structural violence”
Additionally, since 1991, India’s ruling class has embraced neoliberal economic policies that have led to widespread social and economic distress. This crisis has allowed fascist forces to rise to power. But this is not just an Indian phenomenon—several capitalist democracies worldwide are turning authoritarian due to economic instability.
Thus, some argue that though India faces similar threat of fascist take over, India has not yet become fully fascist because:
- Democracy has not been completely destroyed.
- Some non-fascist parties and institutions still resist.
- The fascist forces have not entirely consolidated power.
Indian fascism, with its ideology of palingenetic ultra-nationalism, has been remarkably successful in permeating society and politics, marked by a resurgence of reactionary values and ideologies, making it one of the most successful fascist movements in the contemporary world.
But, whether the regime has become fascist? When can the regime be described as becoming completely fascist? Even Hitler, though captured to power in 1933, implemented anti-democratic and fascist policies phase wise.
As Jason Stanley in his famous “How Fascism Works” describes, Hitler prepared the German society for the ultra fascist measures through institutional propaganda of mythical past, unreality, anti-intellectualism, hierarchy and victimhood.
While the “Jewish problem” was envisaged to be settled through mass deportation to Madagascar even in 1938, the final solution of holocaust was thought of only in 1943, amidst the extraordinary war situation.
Thus Fascification of the society and polity is a evolving process after acquiring power. Thus there is no one point or junctire at which one could say that Fascism take over became absolute. The starting point of fascist power nevertheless be its contole over the state machinery.
Fascist government or Fascist regime?
However, the pertinent political question in this debate is about whether the Indian democratic polity today has the potential to take on Fascism? And whether the non-BJP “secular” parties continue to be “anti fascist” in their political nature and whether the Indian polity still has the potential of grand anti fascist political alliance?
Fascism of 21st century or the Neo Fascism for that matter operates and thrives in the reality of times capitalist crisis and also democratic retreat. While in the 20th century inter war period there were left and left of the centre political formations who were against the fascist take over, in the post-91 neoliberal order, the centre itself has shifted to the right. Thus the Indian fascists do not have impending necessity to purge or abolish the liberal constitution or the liberal parties. It is neo fascist political context of the 21st century. Fascism can coexist with electoral democracy while fundamentally altering its essence. The BJP, backed by corporate capital and Brahmanical social structures, has successfully retained the formal structure of democracy while eroding its democratic substance.
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Historically, even so-called liberal democrats have aligned with Fascism during times of crisis. Today’s mainstream political parties in India may oppose the BJP electorally, but they do not challenge the Brahmanical and corporate foundations of Indian Fascism.
Therefore, any hope that the fight against fascism can be led by opposition parties within the existing system is politically naïve. The “liberal Opposition” or antagonism is with the BJP aand not with Fascism of Neoliberalism and Brahmnical Hindutva. On the other hand hundred of examples can be cited where the so called liberal parties themselves implementing fascist social and economic measures independently in their state or supporting BJP in parliament in bringing fascistic legislations.
Thus there could be electoral defeat for the BJP but the regime remains to be fascist unless brought down by alternative political forces.
Thus India’s anti-fascist struggle must be:
- Anti-Brahmanical– Targeting the deep-rooted caste oppression that fuels Hindu nationalism.
- Anti-corporate Capitalist– Resisting the economic structures that sustain fascism.
- Led by the most oppressed– Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims, and the working class must be at the forefront.
While the Holocaust was an extereme fascist measure, American genocide scholar Gregory Stanton warns India of passing through “Genocide Emergency”. Prof. Stanton outlines ten stages of genocide that occur in any society before reaching mass killings. These are:
- Classification– Defining “the other”
- Symbolisation– Marking and identifying the group
- Discrimination– Systematic exclusion and marginalisation
- Dehumanisation– Stripping them of dignity and rights
- Organisation– Structuring this discrimination into policies
- Polarisation– Deepening social divisions
- Preparation– Systematic groundwork for violence
- Persecution– Legal oppression and state violence
- Extermination– Mass killings
- Denial– Erasing evidence and suppressing accountability
India, under Modi’s rule, is moving rapidly through all ten stages. While full-scale genocide has not yet occurred, a deeply fascist transformation of society is underway – dehumanising Muslims, marginalising Dalits and Shudras, and eroding democratic institutions.
Indian Fascism and the way ahead
India is witnessing a sustainable form of fascism – one that has deeply infiltrated society, inheriting fascistic values through caste order and formalistic democracy. To defeat it, an equally sustained and revolutionary socialist struggle is necessary.
This fight cannot be led by elite opposition parties but must be a grassroots movement against both Brahmanical supremacy and corporate capitalism. Only then can India’s fascist trajectory be reversed. Any anti fascist political investment should be made in building a genuinely anti fascist peoples movement instead of investing in a delusionary elite anti BJP alliance.
Shivasundar is a columnist and activist in Karnataka.