Dumka (Jharkhand): In the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM)’s bastions of Dumka and Jama assembly constituencies, a son and a former rival have been tasked with the fight to retain its strongholds synonymous with party president Shibu Soren and his family.
In 2019, Soren’s son sitting chief minister Hemant Soren won both Dumka and Barhait and chose to retain the latter. His younger brother Basant, then, won the 2020 bypoll from Dumka by defeating the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s Lois Marandi and is now looking to retain the family seat. Marandi, who left the BJP to join the JMM last month, has now been fielded in neighbouring Jama –long associated with Shibu Soren’s elder son and former MLA Durga, and later his wife, Sita. Marandi, a former MLA from Dumka, who served as a minister in the Raghubar Das government is known for her grassroots connection in the area, and had defeated Hemant Soren in Dumka in 2014. She has now become the first person outside the Soren family to contest the Soren bastion in decades.
However, questions remain as to whether JMM’s strategies centring an altered political relationship and a family scion will be enough for it to retain its bastions in the Santhal Pargana.
In 2019, the BJP won only four of the 18 constituencies in the Santhal Pargana. In Dumka, the state’s sub-capital, it has fielded former Dumka MP Sunil Soren who defeated Shibu Soren in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, on a seat that the JMM president has held eight times. Sunil Soren had earlier also defeated Durga Soren in Jama in the 2005 assembly elections, depriving him of a third straight term. With Shibu Soren, who first stepped away from the electoral fray in the Lok Sabha elections and now continuing to sit out the assembly elections as well for the first time, the fight to retain the Jharkhand state formation leader’s family stronghold is open.
“The election could go either way,” said Jai Kumar, a bank employee in Dumka. Kumar continues:
“The area has been with the JMM and the Sorens. Shibu Soren’s house is here, the family has been with the people for decades. But right now Basant Soren is only riding on his family name. Lois Marandi’s move to the JMM, will also help the party in urban areas as she has a large support base. Sunil Soren, even though he was an MP, was not very liked. Look at Nishikant Dubey (in neighbouring Godda). He is always speaking about his constituency in parliament. But Sunil Soren never spoke up. If the BJP had fielded Babulal Marandi (BJP’s state president and former chief minister), it would have been an easy sweep for the BJP. But neither of the candidates are very well liked in Dumka.”
Mohammad Arshad, who has previously worked with Lois Marandi before leaving political work, said that both the JMM and the BJP are looking to cash in on people’s fears.
JMM flag bearing Shibu Soren’s face hangs on houses in Ranidinda village, Dumka. Photo: Sravasti Dasgupta/The Wire.
“The BJP is pitting adivasis against Muslims fomenting fear, and the JMM is doing the same saying look, if they win, they will only divide people. In Dumka neither of the candidates are good, which is why the election is not one sided. Neither have worked for the people like Lois Marandi did. Even when she lost the by-election to Basant Soren in 2020, she remained visible and among the people,” he said.
While Marandi left the BJP after being denied a ticket from Dumka, it may not be smooth sailing for her in Jama despite her reputation in the area of being a grassroots leader.
“Earlier it was said that whoever Guruji (how Shibu Soren is popularly known) fields, will win. Why did Sita Soren win three consecutive terms? Only because of the Soren family and Guruji’s name. But now it is not so. Just because this is known as a JMM stronghold it doesn’t mean victory is guaranteed,” said Srikant, who has a printing store in Jama.
In Jama, instead of fielding Sita Soren from the seat she has held three times, before jumping ship from the JMM to the BJP before the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the saffron party has fielded Suresh Murmu for the third consecutive time. While Murmu lost to Sita Soren in the 2014 and 2019 assembly elections, the winning margins remained narrow both times. In this election, Murmu will take on his former party colleague from the area, and now rival, Marandi on a seat where he is regarded as the “local” and she as the “outsider” from Dumka.
“The other day Lois Marandi went to a village here but villagers said they won’t vote for her because she’s BJP. They see her face and think she’s BJP even though she has switched parties. Aisa hai ki teer toh mara but nishaana kahi aur lag gaya (it seems that they have taken aim but the arrow has hit elsewhere),” said Srikant.
“Suresh Murmu and Marandi would be sitting here in this chowk and having tea together. Now they are political rivals. Murmu lives in Jama and is a local, whereas Marandi is from the area but from Dumka. Both leaders have remained available to the people. But if someone needs their leader, will they travel 3 kms to Murmu or 16 kms to Marandi?”
While Jama has elected Shibu Soren (once), Durga Soren (twice) and Sita Soren (thrice); the constituency has also been with other members of the JMM hold the seat. Since 1980, JMM has won seven of the eight assembly elections in the seat, with the BJP winning only once in 2005 when Sunil Soren won. With the BJP picking Murmu over Sita Soren (who is contesting from Jamtara after losing the 2024 Lok Sabha election from Dumka to JMM’s Nalin Soren), the field is open for Marandi to make gains on a JMM ticket.
“Marandi’s presence will help the JMM in both Dumka and Jama. The BJP is running a polarisation campaign, which may prove beneficial in non-tribal seats. If you go to rural areas, the JMM’s grip remains strong in this area,” said Surinder Darbe, a school teacher in Jama.
Ranidinda village, Dumka. Photo: Sravasti Dasgupta/The Wire.
Fight for adivasi votes
It is this grip in the rural areas and over the adivasis that the BJP is looking to break in this assembly election.
The JMM is looking to retain the government on the back of welfare schemes like the Maiyya Samman Yojana that provides financial assistance to women, Abua Awas Yojana that provides housing to the poor, Sarvajan Pension Yojana and the promise of a domicile policy on the basis of the 1932 Khatiyan Bill, and implementation of the Sarna Dharma Code.
Sunita Hansda, a resident of Ranidinda village in Dumka, who has benefitted from the Maiyya Samman Yojana, said that it is not about the welfare schemes.
“It is about our culture, our adivasi identity and our protection. They are the only ones protecting us,” she said.
Munna Tudu, in Golpara village, said that while his mother did not get the benefit of the Maiyya Samman Yojana because she was above 50 years of age (the scheme is aimed at women aged 18-50), the JMM remains important in the area even if its candidates are not visible.
“It doesn’t matter if Basant Soren is not seen among the people. Or if he is not a good candidate. For us JMM is Hemant Soren and we know he will take care of us,” he said.
The BJP on the other hand, too has centred its promises around tribals by promising the implementation of a Uniform Civil Code that would leave out tribal people. In keeping with its Hindutva claim of “illegal immigrants from Bangladesh are contributing to demographic changes in Santhal Pargana,” it has also promised the return of tribal land allegedly occupied by “infiltrators” – the BJP’s preferred pejorative for immigrants. It has also promised no tribal status to children of alleged “infiltrators” who have married tribal people, among others.
Inside Dumka and Jama’s villages, the JMM government’s schemes have found favour among the Adivasi population, though they haven’t ruled out the spectre of immigration that is being reiterated by the BJP’s top brass as well as the state leadership.
Bahadur Soren, a resident of Golpur village in Dumka, is constructing his house under the Abua Awas Yojana, and said that his family has received all instalments under the Maiyya Samman Yojana and Pension Yojana.
“Sunil Soren came here the other day and was talking about ‘infiltrators’ taking over our land. He is not entirely wrong. Two villages away from here, a Muslim family settled some time back and now they have taken over the entire tola (neighbourhood),” he said.
Bahadur Soren builds his house under the Abua Awas Yojana in Goalpur village, Dumka. Photo: Sravasti Dasgupta/The Wire.
Demographic change versus shifting focus from family bastion fight
It is this fear of a “demographic change” that the BJP is looking to capitalise on while highlighting the corruption, and lack of developmental work done by the Soren government.
“They had promised 5 lakh jobs to the youth but not even 5,000 jobs have been given. Those who have got jobs have had to pay bribes. They said they will set up a high court bench here in Dumka but have not done so. In five years there has been no development. Adivasis are feeling betrayed that their demography is changing,” said Alok Kumar Sah, a BJP worker at the party office in Dumka.
“They are not taking up their concerns. They (Sorens) don’t even live here and mostly stay in Ranchi. They are now promising Sarna code and implementing domicile policy based on 1932 khatiyan. These are false promises that cannot be fulfilled by the state government but by the centre. The BJP is in the centre and the adivasis are realising that these are false promises. Earlier it is true that the saying was that anyone who is fielded by the JMM would win in Dumka and Jama, but this time it won’t be so.”
The JMM on the other hand, has sought to lay focus on its welfare schemes and shift focus from the fight being primarily a contest to retain the family bastions.
“It is not about being family bastions. We are going to the people with our schemes for the people and the work we have done in the last five years. Look at Jama, we have given tickets to people who were not part of the Soren family in the past as well and they have also won,” said Manoj Kumar, a JMM worker in Dumka, who is part of Basant Soren’s campaign.
“The BJP does not have any issue that is why it is talking about infiltration even though border security comes under the central government. If there is infiltration, why aren’t they stopping it?”
