P. Raman 
The Bharatiya Janata Party’s centrally coordinated Operation Maharashtra is complete, achieving success after five years, a split in two parties, and a midnight drama involving some of the country’s highest offices. The results of the assembly elections, which the BJP has swept, are the culmination of the mission launched in November 2019.
It all began barely six months after Narendra Modi’s stunning victory in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections that had made him look invincible. He faced little resistance: even opposition leaders like Arvind Kejriwal had supported the removal of Jammu and Kashmir’s special status under Article 370 and the state’s division into two Union territories when the matter came up in parliament.
Yet, the BJP leadership appeared desperate to establish control over Maharashtra after its alliance with the Shiv Sena ruptured.
Look at the sequence of events since the BJP-Sena alliance ended after the assembly elections:
On November 23, 2019, in a midnight drama, Devendra Fadnavis was sworn in as chief minister with Ajit Pawar as his deputy; that government lasted all of 72 hours because not enough MLAs supported it, Ajit returned to his party and a Sena-Congress-NCP alliance government was formed. Then, on June 21, 2022, the Shiv Sena split and a group of MLAs led by Eknath Shinde moved to Surat. Shinde returned to become chief minister with the BJP’s support, and Fadnavis as his deputy. A year later, in July 2023, Ajit led a group of NCP MLAs to the BJP camp and finally realised his dream of becoming deputy chief minister.
Now, Ajit Pawar has let out the details of that murky operation of five years ago. A meeting was hosted by business baron Gautam Adani at his Delhi residence, for which Devendra Fadnavis, Sharad Pawar, Ajit Pawar and Praful Patel came from Maharashtra, he said. Also present was Amit Shah. The purpose was to form a stable BJP-led coalition.
This was one of India’s worst cloak and dagger political operations, marked by deceit and subterfuge. Everything about it was shrouded in mystery for five years until Ajit lifted the veil off it. Now, the different actors are giving varied answers to the questions that arise.
Where did they gather? The Pawars, both uncle and nephew, have said it was at Adani’s Delhi residence. Fadnavis has said it was at the residence of a businessman, but has not named the tycoon. Did Adani participate? Fadnavis said Adani was not present. Sharad Pawar said Adani hosted the meeting but did not join it. “Adani was sitting elsewhere in the building,” he said.
Ajit Pawar initially said Adani was very much present but later said he might have made the statement by mistake. Why would an industrialist be present, he asked, and suggested the meeting was at a guesthouse.
Was it a case of Adani getting into political management to be able to control the government, as is being alleged by the opposition? No one will even answer such a question.
Was Sharad Pawar part of the conspiracy? Yes, he was, says Fadnavis. He was party to all the decisions at the meeting and might have had a rethink later, the BJP leader says. Sharad Pawar says he agreed to attend because his party colleagues told him the withdrawal of ED/CBI cases against a large number of NCP leaders would be a part of the deal and that they should hear the assurance from the ‘horse’s mouth’ – home minister Amit Shah would be there. When he realised the full political implications of what was proposed, he decided to stay out, Pawar said.
The conspiracy did not succeed immediately. After strenuous negotiations, Sharad Pawar managed to cobble up an alternative alliance of the NCP, Shiv Sena and the Congress. His nephew was present at the meeting of the three parties held at the Nehru Centre, Worli, on November 22, 2019, where it was decided that Uddhav Thackeray would be chief minister of the coalition.
Also read: The Nephew Revolts: The Story Behind Devendra Fadnavis and Ajit Pawar’s Oath Taking
From Nehru Centre, Ajit Pawar quietly went home. And thus began a 72-hour sordid political perfidy. Throughout the night, he was contacting NCP MLAs and asking them to be ready by early morning at Raj Bhavan. At 10.30 that night, Ajit Pawar left home. On the way, he changed the car twice and entered Hotel Sofitel BKC through a back door. Fadnavis joined him. Throughout that night, the BJP’s central leaders were in touch with Fadnavis. Chief secretary Ajoy Mehta, who was in Delhi for official work, was told to rush back to Mumbai.
Later in the night, Fadnavis and Ajit Pawar separately met governor Bhagat Singh Koshiari at Raj Bhavan and staked claim to form the government. Within minutes, the governor’s recommendation was sent to the Union home ministry and President Ram Nath Kovind. The home ministry, Rashtrapati Bhavan and the Mumbai Raj Bhavan had already been on alert. The presidential proclamation revoking central rule and the gazette notification to that effect came at 5.47 am. No Union cabinet meeting was held to formally endorse the withdrawal of central rule. Instead, the government resorted to a special provision available to the Prime Minister in extraordinary situations.
The swearing-in ceremony itself was held in a hush-hush manner without the usual pomp and colour. The media was not informed. There were no special invitees. From the early hours, Raj Bhavan staff were on duty. Only a couple of close Ajit loyalists were present. Minutes after Fadnavis and Ajit Pawar took oath, Prime Minister Narendra Modi congratulated them.
The mainstream national media had then under-reported those murky events and instead focused on the swearing-in ceremony and the implications of a power shift. The local media though was more forthcoming. A whole book is now available detailing the grim happenings of those 72 hours.
Before he attended the meeting at Nehru Centre, Ajit Pawar is reported to have already made elaborate plans to herd 49 NCP MLAs to a resort in BJP-ruled Haryana. His son Parth and trusted supporter Prasad Lad had seven seven-seater private aircraft ready to ferry the MLAs. Ajit had personally called up 38 NCP MLAs, asking them to reach Dhananjay Munde’s residence before 7am. “When I reached Raj Bhavan, I found eight MLAs there. None knew why they were there,” Shahapur MLA Daulat Daroda told author Sudhir Suryawanshi. Later in the day, the NCP removed Ajit Pawar as the head of its legislature unit. The legislature party meeting called by Sharad Pawar was attended by 49 of its 54 MLAs. This meant only five MLAs remained with Ajit Pawar. The plan fell through.
On November 28, 2019, Uddhav Thackeray took oath as chief minister of a Sena-Cong-NCP government. Ajit Pawar quietly returned to the NCP.
But the BJP kept at Operation Maharashtra. In 2022, Sena leader Eknath Shinder went missing with several party MLAs only to appear in neighbouring Gujarat. After spending some time in Surat, the rebel Sainiks moved to another BJP-ruled state, Assam. They returned more than a week later and Shinde took oath as chief minister of a government supported by the BJP.
The following year, responding to talk that he was preparing to jump ship again, Ajit Pawar swore: “I am with the NCP, and will remain in it ‘till I die.”
“Should I have to sign an affidavit?” he asked.
However, each such denial made the speculation grow louder. Few were ready to trust Ajit even after his uncle and family patriarch Sharad Pawar supported him, saying: “No one has called any MLAs’ meeting. Ajit is only busy with the party work.”
Ajit blamed Shiv Sena spokesman Sanjay Raut for the rumours, which were seen as the ruling party’s Plan B in the event of an adverse Supreme Court verdict on the disqualification of the MLAs of the Shinde faction. There was talk of the BJP establishing initial contact with Ajit Pawar for another political realignment. Ajit’s track record was such that people merrily lapped the juicy rumours.
And they were proved right. Just three months after the ‘affidavit’ talk, Ajit defected to the BJP camp to become deputy chief minister.
Now, after the results of the Assembly elections that came out on November 23, the BJP needs neither Shinde nor Ajit. It has the numbers to form the government on its own. Its operation to control Maharashtra is complete.
Dynasty
Narendra Modi never tires of blaming ‘one family’ for all of India’s problems. Now consider how extensively dynasty politicians own businesses, contest elections for all parties, including the BJP, and give them poll funds in states like Maharashtra. A study reveals:
- In Maharashtra, about 155 businesses owned by established political families have benefited from their political links. They also have ‘reinvested’ the funds for their election financing.
- Twenty-eight sugar factories are operated by dynastic politicians in Maharashtra. They are spread across all political parties, including the BJP.
- Fifteen political families own educational empires, including universities, and medical and engineering colleges. Dynastic politicians also have vested interest in real estate, construction and large land ownership. About 40 BJP MLAs have familial connections with the Congress or NCP.
- In the 2024 Assembly elections, at least 110 dynasty politicians have been nominated by different parties. Also, other members of the political families are active in their political wings like youth, student and women.