P. Raman 
From allowing government employees to join the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Waqf bill changes, to the broadcast bill, lateral entry and a ‘secular civil code’, an array of decisions has been taken ignoring the NDA partners
Spin dictators of the 21st century are experts in tweaking constitutional democracy to remain in power. Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey had in 2018 imposed a presidential system of government using an existing provision, which necessitated a constitutional amendment. This enabled him to continue his hegemony with more powers and greater authority. Now, Narendra Modi has got his ‘one nation, one election’ proposal approved by the union cabinet. This is a much smarter move to perpetuate power without being seen as resorting to any systemic violations.
The union cabinet on September 18 gave its formal go-ahead to the Kovind panel report that proposes simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies, as also civic bodies, every five years. This, it is claimed, will avoid frequent disruptions in the development process and stop ‘wasteful’ expenditure.
In the coming days we will be flooded with publicity material extolling the virtues of simultaneous polls and highlighting the precious national resources splurged on every election. But a closer look will show that the procedural hurdles in the way of implementing the proposal appear insurmountable in the existing political matrix. Look at the bare statistics. At least five constitutional amendments, requiring two-thirds majority in both Houses of Parliament, are needed. The NDA’s present strength in the Lok Sabha is 293, including the seats held by allies TDP (16), JDU (12), and Chirag Paswan’s party (6). How home minister Amit Shah plans to get the support of 69 more MPs is anybody’s guess. The position in the Rajya Sabha is similar.
The cabinet go-ahead came days after a senior BJP functionary asserted that the ‘one nation, one election’ plan would be rolled out by the government during this term. Dismissing speculation that the BJP was under pressure from allies to revisit policy matters, the functionary said: “This confusion should now be over… This government will work as it should. In the last 10 years, there was no area where policy decisions and follow-up have not led to a change.” These statements were widely covered in the media.
The message was that the government would not soft-pedal on any of its core policies. “It is naive to say that this government is soft and there is pressure from the allies,” the functionary asserted. He added that tough decisions such as waqf board reform have been initiated to bring transparency, which was a “blow to the politics of appeasement”.
Don’t miss the use of words such as ‘appeasement’ and the unconcealed tone of warning. This appeared to be the start of an offensive by the Modi-Shah regime to intimidate the allies and get them to yield to unilateral policy initiatives. A day before the go-ahead to the proposal for simultaneous elections, Amit Shah declared that the Waqf Board Bill would certainly be passed in the coming session of Parliament. The Bill is before a joint parliamentary committee. He also promised to defreeze the work on the census and keep an open mind on caste census.
In the cabinet, the decision to enforce the proposal for simultaneous elections was ‘unanimously’ endorsed. This was among Modi’s 100-day guarantees. Allies Nitish Kumar, Chirag Paswan and Chandrababu Naidu supported it. Like the waqf board bill earlier, Naidu’s support came with a rider. He said the implementation of the cabinet decision on the Kovind panel report should be on the basis of a consensus. It is not known how seriously Naidu would insist on this condition. Naidu was among the Opposition leaders who had in 2019 boycotted a meeting called by Modi on the Kovind panel.
While the NDA allies remained silent, members of the parliamentary committee on the waqf board objected to Shah’s interference.
Shah’s doctrine is loud and clear. As the NDA partners have already accepted Modi’s leadership of the coalition, they must now endorse his position as a Super Boss whose decisions are not to be questioned. The Prime Minister should have unlimited powers for himself, to decide and declare the government’s agenda as and when he deems fit. There is no room for prior consultations and discussions with the allies. Their role, like that of his own senior party leaders, is to act as cheerleaders. In the name of ‘continuity’ and a stable policy, all constituents must accept the BJP’s manifesto and the policies announced by Modi from time to time as those of the NDA. Thus, Shah has set his own brand of coalition dharma.
The option before the NDA constituents is to either fight back and retain their independent secular identity and minority support base or to turn Modi’s permanent cheerleaders. Consider the graveyard of former Modi allies such as the SAD, AIADMK, BJD, YSRCP, Telangana’s BRS and the People’s Democratic Party.
Also read: Modi’s Embrace Leaves Allies Weak and Voiceless
That the Big Two of the BJP do not believe in consultation is evident from the sequence of events that have unfolded since the party returned to power in June, depleted and dependent on allies for the government’s survival.
On July 21, the 58-year-old ban on government employees participating in RSS activities was lifted.
Two weeks later came the Waqf Board Amendment Bill, which was sent to a joint parliamentary committee on the Opposition’s insistence.
In between came the draft of a draconian broadcast bill to control the digital media. This bill encountered strong criticism from journalists and media organisations, even those that are government-friendly, and was subsequently withdrawn.
On August 17, the Modi regime announced its unilateral decision to recruit joint secretary-level staff to the civil services through the lateral entry route. Rahul Gandhi said this was an attempt to openly snatch SC/ST reservation and to fill the services with RSS cadre through the back door. The issue of reservation directly impacts the support base of allies JDU and Chirag’s party. The RJD taunted them for betraying the interests of the backward sections, forcing the allies to protest, and the proposal was withdrawn forthwith.
But even as he has to roll back some decisions, Modi has continued to pursue his agenda undeterred. From the ramparts of Red Fort, he announced a brand new ‘secular civil code’ (whatever that means) and the implementation of the Kovind panel report. Modi also valiantly asserted that his ‘war against corruption’ – seen as a reference to the ED/CBI raids and arrests of Opposition leaders – would continue.
When rumbling over the Waqf Bill that is seen as anti-minority got too loud, BJP president J.P. Nadda met the alliance partners to pacify them. At the meeting held on August 16, the BJP agreed to call monthly coordination meetings of the NDA parties. The BJP has always been averse to any kind of formal coordination. Modi yielded to the proposal by Chandrababu Naidu, but the Nadda-led coordination meant little. In the past, all coalition Prime Ministers — Deve Gowda, I.K. Gujral and Manmohan Singh — convened coordination panels and discussed government policies. Singh also participated in Congress core committee meetings where critical decisions were taken and briefed to the waiting newspersons. Vajpayee did not have a coordination committee, but he was always available to hear the allies. He frequently met NDA constituents, and RSS and BJP leaders separately or in groups at dinner meetings at his residence. As a true authoritarian, Modi refuses to sit with lesser leaders as equals.
P. Raman is a veteran journalist.