![Deputy chief minister Pawan Kalyan. Photo: X/@PawanKalyan](https://mc-webpcache.readwhere.in/mcms.php?size=medium&in=https://mcmscache.epapr.in/post_images/website_350/post_44005654/full.jpeg)
The lavish Anant Ambani wedding festivities witnessed an intriguing digression when Pawan Kalyan, deputy chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, showed up dressed in an ascetic’s traditional outfit. His sartorial choice is emblematic of his strategic rebranding following the Jana Sena Party’s (JSP’s) triumph in the 2024 Lok Sabha election in Andhra Pradesh.
Kalyan’s rebranding, taking him from a vociferous campaigner to a seemingly venerable political figure, needs critical examination. His election campaign, characterised by acerbic rhetoric and controversies, marked the aggressive phase of his political strategy. It is in stark contrast with his post-victory consolidation phase, which has been more conciliatory. For example, he touched his elder brother Chiranjeevi’s feet, symbolising respect and humility. Even at his swearing-in ceremony, he repeated the gesture, as he was seen to be heralding a new era of Kapu consolidation, but maintained a reverential posture.>
Kalyan’s rise signifies the resurgence, in Andhra Pradesh’s political milieu, of a community with a history of political marginalisation despite its numerical strength – the Kapus. Their historical struggle for political representation in the state is complex. Since the formation of the state in 1956, the political landscape has been dominated by the Reddys and Kammas, who have wielded power – political and economic – that is disproportionate to their share in the population, thereby marginalising the Kapus. Following the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh, Kapus’ share in the state’s population is over 15%, while the share of Kammas and Reddys is 5% and 8% respectively.
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Andhra Pradesh deputy chief minister Pawan Kalyan at the Ambani wedding. Photo: X/PK_Addicts>
Leaders like Vangaveeti Mohana Ranga tried to consolidate Kapu political power even in the 1980s but establishing a political foothold proved challenging due to internal divisions and external opposition. When Chiranjeevi formed the Praja Rajyam Party in 2008, it, too, was seen as a significant attempt to galvanise Kapu support. Yet, it failed to achieve enduring political success. The Kapus’ struggle for political representation is intricately linked to their socio-economic status. Traditionally an agrarian community and ritually on a similar footing with the Kammas and the Reddys, Kapus have been adversely affected by Andhra Pradesh’s economic transformations, marked by the decline of agriculture and the rise of urban-centric economic policies and projects. These changes exacerbated economic disparities, deepening the marginalisation of the community.
In this context, the JSP’s recent victory can be attributed to its electoral strategies and its fortuitous inclusion in the Telugu Desam Party-led alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party (forming the National Democratic Alliance in Andhra Pradesh). In the 2019 election, multiple parties were trying to woo the Kapus, including the YSR Congress Party (YSRCP) and the BJP. But the JSP then allied with the Left parties and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), creating multi-layered, sub-regional appeals to the castes that make up the Kapu caste group. The refracted electoral impact of this was felt in the state. >
The 2024 pre-poll alliance between the TDP, BJP and the JSP, on the other hand, became an opportunity to galvanise the Kapus as it fostered a caste group-based solidarity. This propelled Kalyan into unprecedented political prominence, despite fewer number of seats (18) for the Kapus in the alliance compared to the number of Kapus fielded by the incumbent YSRCP (23).>
In his speeches, Kalyan’s political offering appears to amalgamate shades of left-populist economics blended with strong overtones of socio-political conservatism. He positions himself as a defender of ‘Dharma’, when he appeals to traditionalist sentiments, but also advocates for social and economic welfarism.>
Studies of Indian politics have established that the support of intermediate or non-elite caste groups, such as the Kapus, is pivotal to sustaining upper caste hegemony over the social, political and economic terrains across India. What is less talked about is how this hegemonic enterprise is a two-way process as it helps the intermediate caste groups too. Kalyan’s ascent is a clear example of how this process works, for his leadership promises both social and ritualistic elevation to the relatively backward Kapu group. Kalyan’s alignment with Hindutva politics may not address the serious socio-economic issues that underpin its surge, but it does provide social, political, and cultural solace to the restive Kapu population.
Anthropologist Arjun Appadurai has argued that the ability of a community to aspire is itself a capacity, one that is not uniform across social groups, but influenced by socioeconomic status, education, access to resources, and so on. Historically, the ability of the Kapu caste to aspire for higher status was constrained by social, economic, cultural, and caste-based inequality. Hence, the community witnessed the Kammas and Reddys – who rest ‘above’ them in the socio-economic status hierarchy – consolidate their positions. At the same time it witnessed some backward and scheduled castes, positioned ‘below’ the Kapus in the traditional hierarchy, attain mobility at a quicker pace than them.>
Seen in this context, Kalyan’s embrace of Hindutva promises to symbolically elevate the status of the Kapus through his rise to power (and through his rhetoric). However, it may not yield the substantial economic gains that the community needs. In other words, Hindutva can serve as a palliative, but it is not a long-term solution for the socioeconomic and educational mobility the Kapus need more than their leaders seek.>
Kalyan’s quest for electoral and political stability is underpinned by nationalism and religion; he emphasises ideas like Dharma over material gain. His focus on social and political status, rather than socioeconomic mobility, makes his approach an antithesis to the politics of social justice. >
The long-term success of his political strategy will hinge on his ability to address each of these socio-economic issues. While the traditional values rhetoric has its appeal, it cannot replace the tangible improvements in economic and social status that come from redistribution of resources, creation of opportunities and democratisation of power and are critical for the socio-economic mobility of the Kapus and any other marginalised group.
Will Kalyan pave the way for a more inclusive and equitable society that he has promised Andhra Pradesh’s marginalised communities, or will he reinforce existing power structures? The coming years will reveal whether he can leverage his newfound influence to transcend the limitations of his brand of politics.>
Vignesh Karthik K.R. is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow of Indian and Indonesian Politics at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies.>