Politic: The Prime Minister’s Words and a Lesson in Escapism
Prime ministers are meant to carefully weigh their words. They are not supposed to engage in flattery or speak out of compulsion. The other day, Narendra Modi wrote an op-ed saying that Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat had dedicated his life to strengthening the spirit of harmony and fraternity. Modi also referencd Swami Vivekananda’s famous Chicago speech, made 132 years ago on September 11, which coincides with Bhagwat’s birthday – clearly a not-so-subtle attempt to draw a comparison between the views of Vivekananda and Bhagwat.
Critics would say giving credit to the RSS chief for “harmony and fraternity” is like wandering on the wildest shores of farce. The Sangh parivar has a philosophy, an agenda, a language and a track-record which scarcely signify any concern for “harmony and fraternity”. The last 11 years of Modi’s rule have demonstrated clearly that “harmony and fraternity” aren’t the top priorities of his government either.
While minorities live in perpetual fear, political observers and international institutions have repeatedly expressed concerns about the Hindutva agenda ruthlessly bearing down on the ‘Idea of India’ that rests on harmony and fraternity. Bhagwat, barely a few days ago, acknowledged the RSS's role in the Ram Janmabhoomi movement – an episode that fractured Indian society – and authorised RSS workers to take part in agitations for Mathura and Kashi, which indisputably will be another divisive chapter in India’s history.
The comparison with Vivekananda is odious. While Bhagwat sings of Hindu supremacy, Vivekananda is revered because, in the eyes of his folowers, he advocated spiritual unity. In the Chicago speech that Modi referred to, Vivekanada said, “Sectarianism, bigotry, and its horrible descendant, fanaticism, have long possessed this beautiful earth. They have filled the earth with violence, drenched it often and often with human blood, destroyed civilisation and sent whole nations to despair. Had it not been for these horrible demons, human society would be far more advanced than it is now.”
Bhagwat does make conciliatory noises every now and then but the toxic communal content and tenor of Sangh parivar politics does not change. The foot soldiers of the Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, or even the Bharatiya Janata Party, continue to convey the same old message. A conversation in the park or market, or a peep into urban society’s WhatsApp groups or X handles will make us all wiser about Bhagwat’s contribution to "harmony and fraternity." An honest examination of his own tactics and election speeches can also help Modi understand this phenomenon better.
Modi also recalled how Bhagwat faced the Emergency in his preparatory days. The nation will understand the RSS better if Modi reveals what Bhagwat says about the curtailment of freedoms and the crippling of institutions today. Modi said Bhagwat has a keen interest in mass movements. Alas! The nation doesn’t know what Bhagwat thought about the historic farmers’ movement that was necessitated because of three controversial laws introduced by his government. And what about the “Vote-Chori” movement that is fast building up across the country? Is Bhagwat worried about electoral malpractices and manipulations, apart from the obscene role of money power in elections and in the toppling of opposition governments in states?
Manipur’s wait for Modi
The prime minister visiting a state is not news. But if that prime minister visits a state after obstinately refusing to go there despite unprecedented ethnic violence for over two years, questions – about prime-ministerial responsibility, commitments, compassion, priorities and politics – are bound to be asked.
Ill-fated Manipur, left to bleed amidst social ruptures, mindless violence and death, was subjected to pitiless apathy by Narendra Modi. What compounded the callous indifference is Modi’s visits to at least 46 countries during this period, including far-flung destinations like Papua New Guinea, Brunei, Namibia, Nigeria, Mauritius and Laos. Manipur, crying out for a healing touch, was left to nurse its wounds.
Such apathy to a strife-torn region is antithetical to India’s foundational values. India was born in the cradle of carnage. Barbaric communal violence erupted as the British empire prepared for Partition and independence. Mahatma Gandhi rushed to Bengal to douse the fires of hatred and violence in Noakhali. Jawaharlal Nehru reached Bihar as riots broke out. The entire Congress leadership – Sardar Patel, Maulana Azad, Rajendra Prasad, Jayaprakash Narayan, Acharya Kriplani – was directly talking to people in affected districts.
That kind of dedication scripted independent India’s political code. Rahul Gandhi went to Manipur twice and met people from both the Meitei and Kuki communities, perhaps taking a cue from the stalwarts of the freedom struggle who moulded our political culture with exceptional commitment and sensitivity.
While Modi has shown an indecent trait of escapism, Manipur will be remembered as the darkest chapter of irresponsibility and insensitivity in his prime ministerial tenure. It almost amounted to abdication of duty by the prime minister. Even the RSS felt compelled to tell off the government, asking it to take every step to restore peace and harmony. Modi not only refused to visit the state, he avoided meeting all-party delegations or talking about Manipur in his Mann ki Baat programme and tweets. There was such a loud silence on Manipur that the opposition parties had to bring a no-confidence motion against the Modi government in the Lok Sabha. This is doubtless a classic example for future prime ministers on how not to behave in a democracy.
Message to neighbours?
Bihar deputy chief minister Samrat Choudhary sent out an ominous signal to India's neighbours when he said the situation in Nepal would not have been so explosive had it been a part of India. He suggested that the Congress committed a blunder by not annexing the small countries on its borders. Does that show the BJP’s scant regard for sovereignty of small nations surrounding India? How will Bangladesh, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius, Myanmar, Afghanistan and Nepal receive such bluster? How will China use such v tiewso misguide these small countries?
The larger question is: What message does the RSS send out by harping on 'Akhand Bharat'? The RSS must clarify its intent and concept of Akhand Bharat instead of allowing the imagination of its semi-literate followers to run amok. You find jokers in the streets who believe India will capture Pakistan and merge it with India to undo the sin of Partition. Fantasies harm our foreign policy. If leaders are not trained properly, the likes of Samrat Choudhary will keep antagonising our neighbours. The beautiful couplet of Rahat Indori flits through the mind, “tarakki kar gaye beemariyon ke saudagar/ Ye sab mareez hain jo ab dawaayen karne lage.”
Propaganda films
In October 1957, President Rajendra Prasad and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru along with several ministers and politicians attended a special screening of the film Mother India at Rashtrapati Bhawan. A film with a constructive – revolutionary – message for society was lapped up by both leaders and citizens.
But there is no evidence to show that prime ministers and chief ministers promoted bad films – films that promoted divisive propaganda, superstition or falsehood. This changed dramatically after 2014 when Narendra Modi and BJP chief ministers brazenly promoted propaganda films that were aimed at distorting history and creating religious tensions.
But unlike the political sphere, the arena of art and culture has not been completely lumpenised. Most of these propaganda films have bombed at the box office despite active backing by the government and the BJP ecosystem. Even films like The Kashmir Files and The Kerala Story, which earned significant profits, failed to receive critical acclaim and social legitimacy. Cine-goers demonstrated exceptional wisdom, rejecting films that were not true to historical facts, or which strived to incite communal passions.
Films like Udaipur Files – Kanhaiyalal Tailor Murder, Jahangir National University (to run down JNU), The Vaccine War (Covid-time saga), Article 370, Swatantraya Veer Savarakar, Sabarmati Report, Godhra –Accident or Conspiracy… disappeared without a trace.
If the film to run down Manmohan Singh – The Accidental PM – failed to set the box office on fire, the film to idolise Modi also crashed without a trace. The Bengal Files is the latest example.
What’s the message in all this to the Modi regime? Don’t take lessons from Nazi Germany, learn from Indian stalwarts who gave total freedom to our film makers and promoted good cinema. Modi could have sent out a positive message by promoting the film Mulk which was a powerful critique of divisive politics, or PK, which tried to denounce superstitious beliefs, instead of hawking toxic fare. But, as Jigar Muradabadi wrote decades ago, “Apni apni wus-ate fikro-yakeen ki baat hai/Jis ne jo aalam bana daala wo uska ho gaya.”
Sanjay K. Jha is a political commentator.
The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.
