The Indian National Congress (INC) is accused of snatching defeat from the jaws of victory in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, where many pre-election surveys suggested the party had a realistic chance of winning. In speculating on specific reasons, it has been argued that the INC did not give sufficient space to partners in the Indian National Development Inclusive Alliance (INDIA). It has also been posited that the party did not take the issue of EVM tampering/hacking seriously enough. Some others have argued that the party lacked in communicating a grand vision. And finally, some asserted that the Congress party organisation is inadequate to outmanoeuvre the Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP)’s organisational machinery – it was beset with factionalism, poor coordination between the central and state units, did not have a booth-level presence, did not empower its grassroots workers and made mistakes in ticket distribution.
All of these reasons explain one part of the whole truth. Yet, every party (including the BJP) is afflicted with these problems. Plus none of these sufficiently explain the results. It is abundantly clear that progressive forces across India see the INC as the key fulcrum in any opposition against the BJP. That is why they legitimately feel frustrated that the party faltered. But we all need to concede that after a long time, it was genuinely in the fight. Nearly every pollster, analyst, journalist and conscientious bystander sincerely felt that the INC was winning at least three (and maybe even four) of the five state elections. Imagine the kind of organisational restructuring and programmatic recalibration that must have been effected within the INC for it to come so far. Although it’s poor consolation, the difference in vote shares in at least four states proves that the Congress is both invested and capable of a spirited fight. Yes, it can (and must) do more to redress internal faultiness – simply because while the BJP can afford to make many mistakes, progressive forces can’t afford to make even one.
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But having said that, it is imperative that we objectively understand what is happening, so we can course-correct. After all, this isn’t a normal fight or a level playing field. On one hand, the governing instruments of the state are being systematically deployed against the opposition. On the other hand (and equally crucially), the BJP is politically complemented by the Sangh parivar’s 360-degree stratagems. Leveraging films, serials, media, social media, books, comics, religious and cultural organisations, social organisations etc., they consistently outmanoeuvre party organisations that unfortunately still limit themselves to elections. The bitter truth is that Indians perceive such electoral engagement as transactional (and therefore deal with them instrumentally). In contrast, the Sangh focuses on building non-political relationships, which the BJP consistently leverages for electoral purposes.
Progressive forces need to understand that it is these new frontiers of politics that they can contribute to. If we truly care about saving the constitutional idea of India, we need to stop hectoring the INDIA parties on what they did and did not do. Let us leave the nuts and bolts of electioneering to the professionals. Progressive parties like the Congress are doing their best, with the limited resources they have. Yes, they can do more to remedy structural problems (both within and without). But we progressives need to desist from attributing these narrow losses to the Congress party not paying heed to our pet agendas. No matter how crucial that agenda may be to India, in pursuing such lines of argumentation, we are reflexively damaging the larger cause that all progressives are uniting for today. In this spirit, it is worth reflecting on what we can collectively do in the national interest, rather than frittering away time in finger-pointing.
Firstly, we need to accept that the goalposts of welfare politics have changed drastically. Even though some progressives would like to devote time and resources to forging inspiring documents detailing innovative policy ideas for party manifestos, these no longer shift electorates the way they once did. The nature of political consumption has changed, as has the nature of campaigning. Parties are resorting to competitive welfarism because that is what works. In fact, the more parties offer, the muddier their message is perceived to be. So parties increasingly focus on a few select promises at the state level, and complement those with customised constituency-level promises. We can continue to harbour the illusion that progressive parties are not connected to the people, and keep proffering suggestions that address macro-level needs and aspirations. Or we can accept that parties are infinitely better suited to understand local issues, and help them connect with those networks that are even better connected to the grassroots.
However, a caveat is necessary here. Competitive welfarism has also become just an eligibility criterion to stay relevant in electoral races. Quickly adapting from the Karnataka experience, the BJP also proffers its own version of welfare schemes to nullify the propagandic effect of INC’s schemes. Consequently, promises (or delivery) of welfare programmes do not sway mass consciousness. To therefore focus exclusively on issues like roti-kapda-makan, sadak-bijli-paani and jaan-jahan-jeevika is counterproductive.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi being greeted by party workers. Photo: X/@BJP4India
Secondly, what we now need to accept is that today India is in an ideological era. Today, the BJP offers three things to the electorate: a) material benefits for the family/individual (welfare schemes and promises); b) enhancing national pride (through symbolic mega-summits like the G-20, alleged assassinations in foreign nations, the projection of Prime Minister Narendra Modi with global leaders etc.); and c) the promotion/protection of Hinduism (through performative religiosity, attacks on minority symbols etc.). This heady combination of Hindutva and raashtravaad (nationalism) cannot be countered only by welfarism. Nor can it be countered by “soft Hindutva“, which is what the INC’s state leadership tried in vain in two states. The BJP cannot be punched from the right because the electorate will always choose the original.
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What the Congress party needs to do is aggressively project its own ideological vision – something Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge and former Congress president Rahul Gandhi are doing by unequivocally standing up for secularism, liberalism, democratic norms, nationalism and development. But INC needs to also breathe life into its vision by putting programmatic muscle behind it. What the party needs to do is unleash a hundred ideological projects across the nation (which will undoubtedly help the entire INDIA bloc). And it is here that non-political progressive forces can make a substantive contribution to further India’s constitutional promise. These ideological projects are not just to reshape mass consciousness but also to forge fresh relationships with the people. The Bharat Jodo Yatra (BJY) was one such initiative, which reconnected progressives across India with the INC. But to be effective, many more projects will need to be spearheaded.
For example, progressives need a galaxy of projects to reach out to sub-caste Dalits, Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Adivasis on a socio-cultural level. The INDIA parties are undoubtedly beginning to re-engineer their party structures (for example, Article VI-A and B of the INC’s constitution was recently amended at its Raipur plenary to reserve 50% seats for Scheduled Castes [SCs], Scheduled Tribes [STs], OBCs, women, and minorities). They are also proposing to deepen India’s social justice paradigm to inspire historically marginalised sections of society (most notably, the promise of the caste census).
But these are not nearly enough, given the Sangh parivar not only appropriates SC-ST-OBC icons but also celebrates their festivals while giving sub-castes political representation. That is why, as the Axis My India poll shows, the BJP enjoyed a 26%-point lead among the OBCs in Rajasthan, a 24%-point lead in Madhya Pradesh, and a 13%-point lead in Chhattisgarh. The election-oriented organisations of the INDIA parties need help in programmatically countering the Sangh’s designs (which are designed to capture hearts and minds while injecting communal, casteist, illiberal and undemocratic values). This is where progressives can tangibly help. Instead of just amplifying their issues in the media/social media or even in parliament, it would be infinitely more meaningful if we put boots on the ground.
Similarly, progressives can insert liberal, secular and democratic values in films and serials (instead of limiting themselves to clandestinely suggesting campaign slogans and limericks, which even professional advertising agencies can be hired to do). Progressives can also work at the grassroots with Adivasi communities (to counter the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, which played a key role in weaving away Adivasis away from the Congress party in these state elections). Progressives can also work to mobilise women through constructive work and cultural programmes (to counter the Durga Vahini and the Mahila Morcha, which were instrumental in ensuring women became a voting bloc for the BJP). Likewise, civil society can coordinate within themselves to mobilise sub-district level progressives for a plethora of community-based socio-cultural programmes. Diaspora progressives can similarly mobilise progressives in every nation, both to support progressive causes in India and to counter the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh and the Overseas Friends of BJP. And finally, instead of symbolic and theatric pietism before elections, it would be expedient to spearhead a pan-India initiative to reclaim and reform Hinduism by working with its more progressive stakeholders (temple trusts, societies, akharas/maths etc., which are simmering at the Sangh parivar for appropriating their functions).
Thirdly, for this plan to succeed, all INDIA parties (from the national to the district level) need to back such ideological projects at the highest level. Of course, such ideological projects must perforce be delinked from elections and the party organisations. Otherwise, they will always be sacrificed on the altar of political exigencies. However, if this can be fructified, we recreate the Congress Movement (an INDIA-Movement if I may) that transcends partisan lines and gives an actual takkar (counter) to the Sangh parivar. This will go a long way in ramping up last-mile connectivity (which is where the BJP has an upper hand, since it is able to convert waves into votes). It will also act as a feedback mechanism for the INDIA parties (which is sorely needed especially for the national parties, which rely on state units for feedback. This is a conflict of interest, given state units are averse to passing on any feedback that disrupts the status quo). And most importantly, like during the freedom struggle, it will constructively channelise every patriot in the defence of India’s soul.
Joint opposition parties meeting in Bengaluru. Photo: Twitter/@kharge
Finally, this requires progressive parties to both unlearn and relearn some things.
Firstly, they need to accept the limitations of creating hawa, mahol (a narrative wave) to win elections. On one hand, in creating hawa, parties outsource key political functions to external agencies (crippling parties structurally and diverting scarce resources). On the other hand, given its disproportionate access to resources and chokehold on the media, the BJP is better placed at generating hawa. This resource-intensive method of campaigning also makes parties more susceptible to diverting resources from pro-people schemes when in government (which is what led to the BJP’s downfall in Karnataka).
Secondly, progressive parties also need to stop relying on demagogues to enthuse electorates. Demagogues can temporarily enthral, but that rapture is limited to the length of the programme they’re speaking in. They do nothing to truly influence minds or convert them into votes. What the INDIA parties really need today and tomorrow is a veritable army of progressive evangelicals, who work consistently and silently, away from the media-glare. These evangelicals (and the ideological projects) they will spearhead are the only silver bullet to outmatch the Sangh parivar, and the only amrit to reclaim the hearts and minds of our people. Creating this institutionalised network of ideological projects will take time and effort.
But how long can we keep bandaging something that clearly needs surgery?
Pushparaj Deshpande is the director of the Samruddha Bharat Foundation and editor of the Rethinking India series (Penguin).
