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Seeman’s Anti-Periyar Stance is a Means to his Survival at the Cost of Tamil Nadu's Progressive Ethos

politics
Some parties that have long stood by Periyar’s ideals have demanded an apology from Seeman, whereas others, wary of breaking potential alliance possibilities, have refrained from offering a decisive rebuke.
A collage of E.V. Ramasamy Periyar (L) and S. Seeman (The Wire, Canva). Photos: Ponvannan, CC0, via Wikimedia Commons and X/@Seeman4TN
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Over the past decade and a half, Tamil Nadu’s political landscape has been gradually complicated by the ascent of S. Seeman and his party, the Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK). Once perceived as a fringe outfit channeling disillusioned youths’ anger against mainstream Dravidian parties, the NTK holds an important role in the electoral realm. The controversy unfolding this month, triggered by Seeman’s remarks on social reformer E.V. Ramasamy Periyar, is the latest chapter in NTK’s evolution – and it sheds light on the party’s strategies, internal contradictions, and possible alliances in the making.

Seeman’s 2025 controversy: A tipping point

On January 8, Seeman’s comments on Periyar jolted Tamil Nadu. Periyar is widely revered as the influential pioneer of the Dravidian movement, which has shaped the state’s social and political ethos since the early 20th century. Seeman questioned Periyar’s contribution in ensuring the freedom of women in Tamil Nadu and claimed that the late social reformer had encouraged incestuous relationships, besides making obscene remarks. 

While questioning the Dravidian movement is not new in Tamil Nadu politics, Seeman’s pointed attacks on Periyar ignited a debate not just on the accuracy of the statements, but also on whether these remarks are orchestrated by larger political motivations. Political responses have ranged from outright condemnation to cautious support.

Also read: 100 Years of Vaikom Satyagraha: Remembering Periyar’s Role in the Anti-caste Struggle

Some parties that have long stood by Periyar’s ideals have demanded an apology from Seeman, whereas others, wary of breaking potential alliance possibilities, have refrained from offering a decisive rebuke. The uproar demonstrates two noteworthy shifts: first, the growth in NTK’s significance such that opposing or supporting Seeman can now alter political equations; and second, the reconfiguration of alliances in a rapidly changing electoral climate.

A key subtext here is whether Seeman, who had thus far eschewed alliance politics in favour of going solo in elections, might begin forging new coalitions. His prior aversion to alliances is well known. But a string of elections where NTK has steadily increased its vote share – from 1.07% in the 2016 assembly polls to over 8% in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections – has fuelled speculation that he might partner with other emerging players, notably film star Vijay, who recently launched his own party.

From fringe to mainstream: The NTK

To understand Seeman’s latest stance, one must look back at NTK’s inception and evolution, particularly after the 2009 Eelam war in Sri Lanka. Seeman emerged as a charismatic orator championing Tamil nationalism and criticising the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) for what he perceived as its inadequate response to the Eelam crisis.

Anti-DMK people – especially younger voters – drifted to Seeman, seeing in him a resolute voice against mainstream Dravidian politics and its ethos. Even so, Seeman’s party initially bore deep anti-DMK sentiments, something that manifested in NTK’s support for the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) in the 2011 and 2014 elections.

By 2016, Seeman’s unique blend of Tamil nationalism and social media-driven activism delivered NTK a fair vote share, which was more than four out of five parties of the third major coalition (People’s Welfare Front) in the assembly elections. The subsequent elections of 2019, 2021, and 2024 saw NTK consistently expand its support base in both rural and urban regions, partly by tapping into pockets disenchanted with the DMK and reluctant to vote for the AIADMK or the BJP.

However, beneath this consistent electoral rise lies a precarious balancing act. Much of NTK’s voter base comes from voters historically close to the DMK and the Dravidian movement – people who respect Periyar and Anna but began to harbour grievances against the subsequent DMK leadership. Seeman’s presence over the last 15 years has complicated the social lens of young people, nudging them to view issues increasingly through a caste framework compared to the previous generation. His political offering also carries an element of humanising casteism and channeling nativist anger against egalitarian ethos, which resonates with his younger supporters.

NTK’s rise has also spawned a group of online influencers populating the information ecosystem with fictionalised narratives about Tamil society, further distorting public discourse. Emboldened by the increasing normalisation of extreme rhetoric, these influencers amplify divisive ideas. This is further reinforced by the growing acceptance of such rhetoric among younger information consumers. Many of these individuals are grappling with the pressures of a developing economy, including job insecurity.

In this context, NTK’s socio-political offering which is a mix of a nativist strand of environmentalism that often translates to NIMBYism, and the romanticisation of homestead farming is both a powerful respite and potentially regressive at once. NTK is not only tearing the social ethos and fabric of Tamil society but is also planting the seeds for future discontent against the modern economy and societal living, creating a fertile ground for resistance towards long-term socio-economic progress.

Seeds of anti-Periyar rhetoric: A longer history

Seeman’s disparaging remarks about Periyar did not suddenly emerge in 2025. They have deeper origins, illustrated by a public conference organised by NTK in October 2021 on the theme “Tamil or Dravidian?” That gathering featured a cluster of speakers who questioned the Dravidian movement’s contributions to Tamil society, accusing Dravidian politics of duping “native” Tamil castes and causing demographic shifts.

The star speaker, Seeman, invoked Adolf Hitler in his anti-Dravidian rhetoric – an alarming instance of using extreme historical references to stoke nativist sentiments. Although Seeman had once claimed inspiration from both Periyar and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) leader V. Prabhakaran, by 2021 he had made a clear turn: lauding Prabhakaran while dismissing Periyar.

NTK’s nativist push relies on a selective pantheon of Tamil heroes – ancient kings, iconic poets, modern activists – but pointedly omits or downplays Periyar and other Dravidian stalwarts like C.N. Annadurai and M. Karunanidhi. The official rationale is that these Dravidian leaders supposedly belonged to “immigrant castes” or undermined “authentic” Tamil identity. More realistically, Seeman’s rhetoric appeals to a segment that believes Dravidian politics has eroded pure Tamil identity – an argument that grew more vocal after the Sri Lankan crisis in 2009.

The Vijay factor: Alliance and anxiety

Seeman’s current predicament is partly triggered by Vijay’s political entry in 2024. The star actor, widely seen as an opponent of dynastic politics, formed his own party and is expected to secure a fair share of the anti-DMK vote – once almost entirely under Seeman’s sway.

Before Vijay’s official entry, there was widespread speculation of a Seeman-Vijay alliance. NTK supporters and Seeman himself amplified claims that Vijay hinted support for Seeman’s party when he released promotional materials for his film GOAT, featuring a microphone resembling NTK’s election symbol. They claimed that these rumours would propel NTK’s vote share in 2024 and raised hopes that the Seeman-Vijay combine could become an influential third force – or a kingmaker – in Tamil Nadu whenever Vijay would enter politics.

However, when Vijay publicly declared Periyar as his ideological guide and asserted that “Dravidianism and Tamil nationalism” are both integral pillars of the state’s politics, he effectively challenged Seeman’s anti-Periyar, anti-Dravidian stance. Worse for Seeman, Vijay’s articulation of “a family looting in the name of Periyar and Anna” seemed to resonate with voters wanting to oppose DMK’s leadership without rejecting Dravidian ideology altogether.

Seeman’s reaction was swift: he criticised Vijay for endorsing Periyar and announced he would field NTK candidates in all 234 constituencies in the 2026 elections. The sudden pivot from calling Vijay his “younger brother” to personally attacking him underlined Seeman’s alarm at losing the anti-DMK vote bank he had so carefully cultivated.

Compounding this crisis is the absolute lack of any second-tier leadership in the NTK. Unlike Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) which is a nascent political outfit whose game-plan is still unfolding, Seeman has steadfastly stayed away from identifying or legitimising any potential second-tier leaders. In fact, several NTK district leaders feel side-lined and disillusioned, a point that cannot be overlooked. 

Rather than building internal leadership, Seeman has increasingly relied on the clout of polarising figures on social media, many of whom are also key sources of misinformation. Although this strategy may have temporarily amplified NTK’s voice, it has also undermined the party’s credibility and weakened its organisational strength and leadership prospects in the long-term. While his supporters argue that the internal discontent has been orchestrated by Dravidian parties and their allies, Vijay’s political ascent, coupled with NTK’s internal unrest and the lack of a strong second-rung leadership, has placed Seeman in a vulnerable position as he gears up for the 2026 elections.

The BJP angle

Just as the Vijay phenomenon has complicated Seeman’s equation with disillusioned DMK voters, another factor is the BJP’s uncertain future post-2024. The BJP, which claimed a double-digit vote share in the 2024 elections, faces mounting questions about its national and state-level leadership. In Tamil Nadu, a post-Modi BJP seems less stable, with infighting evident in public spats involving state president Annamalai and leaders like Tamilisai Soundararajan.

Seeman sees an opportunity here. A large chunk of the BJP’s 11% share consists of voters who once supported J. Jayalalithaa’s AIADMK but migrated to the BJP following her demise in the aftermath of leadership crises. With the BJP floundering, NTK hopes to woo this drifting vote bank by offering a defiant brand of Tamil nationalism that is outwardly anti-DMK and, increasingly, anti-Periyar. While Seeman may be looking at BJP’s voters, his strategy inadvertently aligns with the BJP’s larger political project of delegitimising Dravidian politics.

Also read: ‘Shouldn’t be Just a Tokenistic Approach’: Vijay’s TVK Grabs Eyeballs With Choice of Party Ideologues

By attacking Periyar, Seeman reinforces the Hindu nationalist agenda of fracturing Tamil Nadu’s social justice-driven political mosaic and replacing it with a narrative rooted in pride and regressive hierarchical identity politics. One can argue that Seeman’s rhetoric, irrespective of his narcissistic persona and vile political offering, ultimately serves to erode the Dravidian-Tamil ethos that has long safeguarded the state from majoritarian influences.

Potential risks to Tamil Nadu’s socio-political fabric

Historically, Dravidian politics, despite its many contradictions, has preserved a relatively inclusive ethos in Tamil Nadu. Annadurai, Karunanidhi, M.G. Ramachandran, Jayalalithaa, and others managed to contain extremist Tamil chauvinism and maintain a state comparatively free of large-scale communal or ethnic violence.

Periyar’s consistent irreverence toward casteism, religion, and narrow linguistic chauvinism served as a moral compass for the movement. Today, NTK’s turn to nativist fervor, coupled with social media campaigns proliferating conspiracy theories, hate speech, and violent rhetoric, poses a serious challenge to Tamil Nadu’s pluralist character.

The youth’s discontent with entrenched Dravidian parties, and inter- and intra-caste class inequality are being channeled into an aggressive nativism that scapegoats immigrant workers, “immigrant castes,” “linguistic minorities,” and Dravidian leaders alike. Should this strain of politics continue unchecked, it risks eroding long-standing social harmony in the state. Instead of policy-oriented debates on caste-class disparities or administrative issues, the public sphere could be flooded with divisive identity politics. That would benefit neither genuine grievances nor broader social progress – merely fuelling a dangerous cycle of communal and ethnic distrust.

Seeman’s current outburst against Periyar is not an isolated event. It is the culmination of a years-long ideological pivot, underpinned by political exigencies and vote-bank calculations. From the 2021 public conference where he first invoked Hitler in anti-Dravidian diatribes, to the recent statements signaling a more formalised anti-Periyar stance, Seeman and the NTK are treading a path that could fundamentally realign Tamil politics – or plunge it into deeper polarisation. 

Meanwhile, the emergence of Vijay as a possible third force – and Seeman’s fierce reaction to it – indicates how fragile the hold of any one leader is on Tamil Nadu’s anti-establishment vote. Seeman’s reaction is also to be viewed with the backdrop of his own party functionaries deserting NTK to join DMK currently, which in the run up for 2026 elections, might move to TVK.

Whether NTK will cement alliances or remain a lone wolf is uncertain. But it is clear that Tamil Nadu’s political landscape is in flux. Once merely a peripheral actor harnessing youth frustrations, Seeman is now a significant figure capable of shifting electoral outcomes in quite a few constituencies. In the coming months and years, the state’s voters will have to reckon with how the NTK’s anti-Periyar drive, combined with new personalities like Vijay and the changing fortunes of the BJP, reconfigure Tamil politics. At stake is not just who wins the next election, but whether Tamil Nadu remains an inclusive democracy or slides toward a more parochial form of nativism – one at odds with the legacy of unity, federalism, and social justice characterising the Dravidian movement.

Vignesh Karthik K.R. is a postdoctoral research fellow of Indian and Indonesian Politics at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies – Leiden, and a research affiliate at King’s India Institute, King’s College London. Vivek Gananathan, a journalist based in Chennai, works on critical intersections of politics and society.

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