Sanjay K. Jha 
Politics in India has undergone an incredible transformation, almost impossible to visualise a decade ago. The catalyst for this change is doubtless Narendra Modi whose decade-long tenure was perceived more to be a ruthless scheme for hegemonic control of the country than normal political governance.
Who could have imagined that Uddhav Thackeray, the leader of Shiv Sena that projected itself as the sole protector of Hindu interest, would viciously attack the BJP for misusing religion to divide society and subvert constitutional culture? Tejashwi Yadav, whose Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) was identified with regressive governance symbolising “jungle raj” is persistently trying to force the Prime Minister to discuss jobs and prices instead of running away from the real concerns of the masses. Akhilesh Yadav of the Samajwadi Party, often maligned for running “gunda raj” in Uttar Pradesh has pinned down the ruling BJP for undermining the rights and respect guaranteed by the Constitution to the weaker sections of the society.
Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty
This demonstrable metamorphosis has indeed become the defining feature of this parliamentary election where state-based parties accused of pursuing a narrow political agenda and being oblivious to the national priorities have assumed the responsibility of protecting the idea of India. It is indisputably the domineering conduct of the Modi regime that pushed all these regional forces to realise the vitality of constitutionalism, creating a unity of purpose and shaping up the electoral battle in a way that is far different from the routine partisan contest. It is not only the attack on federalism; the BJP’s aggressive assault on regional parties to expand their dominance also played a crucial role in changing their perspective. While these parties abandoned their anti-Congressism, Shiv Sena committed an ideological somersault to nestle itself into the anti-BJP camp.
It is probably for the first time that the political discourse in the hinterland is so much similar to the big cities. Local civic issues have been drowned by the larger worries about the fate of democracy in India. Even identity politics seems to have taken a back seat. Akhilesh Yadav or Tejashwi Yadav, Uddhav Thackeray or MK Stalin, all the opposition leaders are speaking the same language in small towns or villages that the principal opposition leader Rahul Gandhi has been speaking in big cities. Much like Rahul, Akhilesh holds a copy of the Constitution in his hand and passionately appeals to voters, “Samvidhan is our lifeline; this gives us rights and respect. We are fighting for the interest of PDA (Pichhda-Dalit-Alpsankhyak). They (BJP) deride our families but their family (Sangh Parivar) is the most dangerous. They want to destroy the Constitution. They want to snatch away the reservation you get from the Constitution.” Akhilesh also talks about paper leaks, Agniveer scheme and Chinese intrusion, asking people if there has been any improvement in their lives in the last 10 years.
Tejashwi insists at his public meetings that the election is about “mudda,” not Modi. He is fixated on the question of unemployment, telling voters, “I gave five lakh jobs in 17 months and Modi only gave lies and false promises. The same Nitish Kumar used to say there are no resources to provide jobs when he was with the BJP. I cleared three lakh more jobs when I was the Deputy Chief Minister. Why are they not making appointments? Modi is indulging in meaningless discourse. He says he will send everybody to jail, they will snatch your mangalsutra. Certain things are impossible but may happen – like the sun rising from the west, catching fish in the desert and trees being planted in the sky. But this impossible can never be made possible – Modi talking about jobs, love, compassion and harmony.”
DMK leader MK Stalin has also focussed on Modi’s divisive politics, saying, “The Prime Minister’s toxic speech is vile and highly deplorable. Fearing public anger against his failures, Modi has attempted to whip up religious sentiments and resorted to hate speech to avoid what seems to be an imminent defeat. Hate and discrimination are the real guarantees of Modi. In turning a deaf ear to the PM’s blatant hate speech, the ECI has shamelessly abandoned even a semblance of neutrality. The socio-economic caste census promised by the INDIA bloc is a remedy long overdue to create an egalitarian society. It is sad that the PM is twisting it and depriving socially disadvantaged communities of their due share in education, jobs, and seats of power. Leaders of the INDIA bloc should be wary of the BJP’s devious diversionary tactics. We must firm up our commitment to exposing the miserable failures of Modi.”
Uddhav Thackeray also highlights the crisis of democracy at all his meetings. Arguing that a coalition government is always better than an autocratic setup, he portrays Modi as anti-Maharashtra. On the question of dynasty, he said, “Modi has no problem with dynasts who run sex rackets but those fighting for democracy are unacceptable.” How effectively the coalition is running on the ground is reflected in Thackeray’s public pledge to implement Congress Nyay Patra (manifesto) after coming to power. The veteran Shard Pawar also dwells on the threat to democracy, recalling how many BJP leaders spoke about changing the Constitution. Pawar repeatedly warns people against India becoming like Vladimir Putin’s Russia and asks them to vote out the Modi government before it is too late.
Even the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and Trinamool Congress have made the attack on democracy and misuse of central agencies their main electoral theme. Modi, who started by seeing Muslim League imprints in the Congress manifesto and graduated to imagining snatching of gold and mangalsutra, is now into supernatural fantasies, telling voters about “bhatakti aatma (wandering soul)” amidst stray references to Aurangzeb and Ram temple.