The recent passing of Vijayakanth, an eminent Tamil film star-turned-politician, marks the end of a significant albeit overlooked chapter in Tamil Nadu’s political narrative. His transition from the movie industry to the political arena was not just a career shift, but a transformative journey that redefined the contours of Tamil Nadu’s political and social landscape.
Vijayakanth’s film career laid the foundation for his political journey. As the elected president of the South Indian Artistes’ Association, also known as the Nadigar Sangam, he demonstrated his ability to lead and mediate in an industry rife with socio-economic and political divisions.
His work in the Nadigar Sangam in the late 1990s and early 2000s provides a valuable lens to understand the interplay of the Dravidian-Tamil ethos among the Tamil diaspora across the world. His popularity in cinema and his philanthropy did not just win him fans, but built an organisational base that later morphed into a political force.
His media profile and portrayal of heroic characters resonated with the public at the time, crafting an image of a benevolent and approachable leader. Crucially, the financial success of his film career provided the resources necessary to fuel his political ambitions.
‘Karuppu MGR’ and the politics of subversion
Vijayakanth’s film persona, reminiscent of M.G. Ramachandran (MGR)’s style, helped him appeal to a wide electorate. His leadership in the 2006 assembly elections and the 2009 Lok Sabha elections established his Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) party as a notable force in Tamil Nadu’s politics.
Vijayakanth’s approach to politics was marked by an astute use of populism. Though he was popularly referred to as ‘Karuppu MGR’ (dark-skinned MGR) due to the similarities in their persona and of their screen titles, Vijayakanth’s style of politics was in effect a subversion of MGR’s style of politics.
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As observed by Dr Andrew Wyatt, Vijayakanth’s political strategy mirrored the ‘protectionist’ populism of MGR, i.e. the amalgamation of diverse social groups rather than catering to specific caste, regional or sub-regional interests.
However, unlike MGR, Vijayakanth neither sought nor secured the definitive support of numerically dominant caste groups. Instead, he built a broad coalition of support by voicing his opposition to caste-based parties and focusing on the needs of the marginalised. Such an approach sought to unsettle the sub-regional geographic dominance exerted by a few numerically dominant caste groups.
His outreach to women and the symbolic use of the murasu (drum), an emblem of the marginalised (Dalits), in his party’s imagery, demonstrated an astute understanding of social dynamics in Tamil Nadu and of the Dravidian-Tamil ethos.
This approach set him up to transcend traditional caste and class barriers in gaining support from diverse groups across the state, bringing his style of politics closer to the DMK and Karunanidhi in particular. This explains his party’s considerable vote shares in the 2006 and 2009 elections, which translated into seats when in alliance with a Dravidian major, the AIADMK, in 2011.
DMDK’s short-lived success and the Dravidian majors’ resilience
Dr Wyatt noted that the DMDK grappled with maintaining institutional pluralism. The centralisation of power around Vijayakanth’s persona and the uncertain tolerance for diverse opinions within the party raised questions about its long-term institutional health. A case in point is his refusal to cater to his party-wide request to form an alliance with the DMK ahead of the 2016 elections.
In other words, while his outreach strategy was congruent with Karunanidhi’s, he could not be the conciliator-in-chief within the party.
Also, his stardom and hold over the party and its members were not comparable to that of MGR. As a result, he could not prevent defections and could not find replacements for such defectors in the corresponding constituencies.
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His deteriorating health and the emergence of his family members at the helm who could not fill his shoes, and more importantly, tomfoolery vis-à-vis alliance decisions, enfeebled the party and its electoral prospects further.
In effect, the DMDK lost ideological coherence and a stable connect with the people. The Dravidian majors on the other hand, after a few initial setbacks, were able to regain their electoral dominance and, in the process, saw more members of the DMDK join them.
Furthermore, despite effectuating substantive impact, he did not draw the attention of the political discourse and opinion makers akin to that of his fellow actors like Rajinikanth or Kamal Haasan, who drew a lot of attention even over non-committal signalling.
This could be attributed to Vijayakanth’s last few movies that neither succeeded financially nor resonated with audiences, as well as to a weaker connect with his fans since he started his political party.
At the same time, he failed to proactively create a communication ecosystem to reach out to the public and the discourse-makers; worse, when he got his opportunities, he damaged his reputation by losing his composure on camera and in public many a time.
Adieu
Vijayakanth’s political endeavours, while short-lived, created significant ripples in Tamil Nadu’s electoral politics. His efforts illuminate the electoral arena’s receptiveness to charismatic leaders while also underscoring the importance of building robust party structures.
In retrospect, Vijayakanth’s political journey was a blend of aspiration, courage, mistakes and the harsh realities of Tamil Nadu’s political arena. As we bid farewell to Vijayakanth, it is crucial to acknowledge his unique contribution to Tamil Nadu’s political narrative.
His story is not just about the transient impact of a celebrity in politics, but also about the broader dynamics of power, culture and populism in one of India’s most politically vibrant states. His legacy, as a symbol of the potential and limitations of star power in politics, will continue to be a subject of interest and analysis for years to come.
Vignesh Karthik K.R. is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow of Indian and Indonesian Politics at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies.