The Matua community in Bengal, constituting the second largest Scheduled Caste group in the state and accounting for 3.8% of the total population, has long advocated for the proper rehabilitation and resettlement of Hindu Bengali migrants from Bangladesh. The Citizenship Amendment Act had, thus, long since been a demand of the community.
But the process of getting citizenship under the Act, implemented in 2024 by the Narendra Modi government, has left even its staunchest supporters within the community find that it falls short of their expectations.
“We were told that we would be given a government identity card. Now it seems we have to apply online. It seems to me that applying for citizenship means making yourself a defendant in advance,” said Biswajit Biswas, a researcher at Calcutta University and a member of the Matua community.
The announcement that the CAA would be implemented – four years after the Act was brought in 2019 – had initially led to jubilation among members of the Matua community across North 24 Parganas and Nadia. Now, there is confusion, disappointment, and apprehension.
Process woes
Nabin Das of Ranaghat says he was euphoric. Das was also spotted giving media interviews on the day of the announcement. But he has not applied for citizenship yet, even though he says he already has all the necessary documents to prove his Indian identity.
“I thought it would just be a simple case of issuing an identity card once we submit photographs and a copy of our Aadhaar card. The leaders did not clarify these things during the victory celebrations,” said Das.
Three weeks since the CAA implementation announcement, and while the complexities surrounding the CAA remain a major issue in Bengal, Matua residents have been loathe to apply online.
As per the rules, to obtain citizenship under the Act, applicants require at least one document listed under Schedule 1A of the CAA rules to prove their Bangladesh, Afghanistan, or Pakistan nationality. These documents include passports, birth certificates, education certificates, other identity proofs, land or tenancy records, or any other government document from Bangladesh. Alternatively, applicants can provide a document showing that their parents, grandparents, or great-grandparents were citizens of Bangladesh.
However, in the border districts of Bengal, most people lack the necessary documents to establish their former residency in the mentioned countries. Instead, they have either voter ID and or Aadhaar cards issued by the government of India.
Also read: How CAA and Welfare Schemes Have Divided the Matuas in Bengal
Questions over MP’s citizenship status
“If someone does not have any of the requested documents in the conditional application, how can they apply for citizenship to the government? Bharatiya Janata Party’s Shantanu Thakur himself did not apply for citizenship under the act but has stood in the polls. They are saying that a certificate can be obtained from the local priest. Is this a joke? There is no mention of the priest’s certificate in the official notification,” remarked TMC Rajya Sabha MP Mamata Bala Thakur.
In February, MP Shantanu Thakur had said that the CAA will come within seven days and then backtracked on the promise. The TMC MP quoted above is also a member of the All India Matua Mahasangha, which Shantanu heads.
Shantanu’s declaration that he would apply for citizenship under the CAA had raised questions about the legal validity of his election to parliament. He has since maintained silence over his application, and has instead been assuring people of security during election campaigns.
Speaking to The Wire, Shantanu said, “The government has no intention of sending any people back to Bangladesh. The CAA is to protect refugees. The opposition is spreading misinformation about it. But if a person does not inform the government of his need, how will the government provide for his protection? The government will quickly clarify the process.”
Despite assurances, members of the community, and those outside it, find themselves gripped with anxiety over the possibility of disenfranchisement. On March 22, Debasis Sengupta, a resident of South Kolkata’s Netaji Nagar, died by suicide. His family members claimed Debasis was panic-stricken over the CAA and was scared at the prospect of going back to Bangladesh.
Both Bengal’s ruling Trinamool Congress and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) have blamed BJP’s mishandling of the CAA for the death.
Even though attempts at religious polarisation have been limited in Bengal, for the election so far, the CAA has become an issue.
Former CPI(M) MP Alakesh Das, belonging to the Matua community, had to face questions about his citizenship. Alakesh is again contesting from Ranaghat. He said, “Matuas in the border districts are fearful. The new act says one has to declare himself or herself as a foreign citizen and that one also needs an identity card of that country. No one can produce that. BJP has created this situation.”
Kapil Krishna Thakur, a former official of the Thakurbari of Matua headquarter at Thakurnagar and a researcher associated with the Matua Mahasangha, said that the current imbroglio points to a situation that has been highlighted before.
“We have been saying from the beginning that citizenship cannot not based on religion. Thsi is an attempt to directly identify citizens and trap them. Sadly, the ruling party in the state is using the issue to create fear instead of addressing the concern,” said Kapil Krishna.
Also read: Here’s Why the BJP Brings up the CAA – But Stops Short of Implementing it – in Bengal
A divided house
Since the implementation of the CAA, a section of the Matua community has been opposing it through protests, blockades, and leaflet distribution drives, citing the requirements for citizenship application as a major concern. This has led to some BJP activists and supporters falling largely silent on the issue.
In North 24 Parganas and Nadia – in areas where the Matua community have significant influence – there are at least five Lok Sabha seats. In Bangaon and Ranaghat, two of these seats, Matuas comprise over 40% of the electorate. In 2019, the BJP secured victory in both these seats, and in 2021, they won 14 out of the 15 assembly seats in the Matua-dominated regions of Nadia and North 24 Parganas. However, in the recent Panchayat Election, BJP lost most of its ground to the TMC.
“BJP is hoping to consolidate its Matua support base as it had already been in a comfortable position in Namasudra-dominated constituencies. But this could turn out to be electorally counterproductive,” observed scholar Ayan Guha who has authored a book on caste politics in Bengal called The Curious Trajectory of Caste in West Bengal Politics.
He further added, “The bureaucratic system tends to evaluate applications impersonally, making it difficult to establish religious persecution based on foreign documents. This may lead to delays, red tape, and potentially unfavourable outcomes, ultimately resulting in disillusionment and fatigue among the affected communities.”
The BJP in Bengal has employed the ‘refugee-infiltrator’ narrative to sway the lower caste Namashudra vote, portraying them as persecuted Hindu refugees while casting Muslims as outsiders. “The notification of the CAA rules also conveys a strong pro-Hindu message to the broader electorate, who are not direct beneficiaries,” added Guha.
Translated from the Bengali original by Aparna Bhattacharya.
