The Manipur violence which began on May 3, 2023, has completed one year today. To mark the date, Kuki communities under the leadership of the Kuki Inpi Manipur (KIM) are observing ‘Awakening Day’. On the other hand, the Federation of Meitei Civil Societies (FOCS) will observe the day as a ‘Black Day’. Both communities agree that they have both suffered at the hands of the other. Until now, however, neither side has come to the negotiation table, nor is there any mediator to solve the crisis.
It is unimaginable that violence of such proportion continues for so long, when it could have been stopped within 48 hours. The reasons are many – and this is going to define what India is in a long run.
Lack of political will by New Delhi
A primary reason why the violence continues lies in the hands of the Central leadership. Since day two of the conflict, several civil society organisations have made a fervent appeal to the Centre to employ all available measure to control the violence. Kuki organisations, in a letter addressed to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah, called for the immediate deployment of the Indian Army and paramilitary forces to quell the violence. In a similar tone, Kuki MLAs have time and again demanded the reimposition of the Armed Forces Special Power Act, 1958 to better equip the forces to deal with any aggressing parties. However, this was not done. The plea to the Centre on invoking emergency provisions remains unattended and rejected.
In fact, the actions and inactions of the Centre in controlling the violence are politically motivated. In the state assembly election held in 2022, the BJP secured 32 seats of the total 60 seats, an overall majority for the first time in Manipur’s history. This constitutes 25 Meiteis, five Kukis and two Nagas. The indecisiveness on the part of Central leadership in invoking emergency powers – perhaps fearing a loss of credibility if it did so – has added fuel to the fire. It appears to have encouraged a certain section of the population to further carry out violence without any form of restraint.
The insensitivity of the Central leadership is another matter of deep concern. Visuals emerged from the state – the naked parading of two women by a mob, mutilated bodies – that created shock and horror both nationally and internationally. Given the circumstances, it would not have been wrong to expect the prime minister of the largest democracy to personally supervise the situation and rebuild trust and confidence between the communities. But this is yet to happen. Instead of dealing with the matter in a hands-on way, the leadership has made it a habit of downplaying the conflict – be it in the parliament or on the international stage. In a different language, this is encouraging the majority and the aggressor to continue what it does against a powerless minority.
A state headed by a communal leader
With a landslide victory in the 2022 state assembly election, N. Biren Singh got sworn in as the state chief minister for the second time, along with the portfolio of state home minister. For his domineering attitude as a chief minister and home minister, many MLAs have rebelled against him multiple times. At one point, his popularity was so low that even his cabinet members revolted against him by camping at New Delhi. However, he preyed on emotions and raked up communal issues, particularly against Kukis. By doing this he managed to gain some acceptance among the Meitei masses. Thus, issues of drugs, ‘illegal’ immigration and protection of forests became potent tools to distract the Meitei masses and adversaries from their anger against the government.
While the issues of drugs, illegal immigration and preserving forests need collective efforts, Biren choose to avoid all legal means and instead only hold the Kukis responsible for what has happened in Manipur. By doing this he managed to bring together thousands of youths who later came to be known as the Arambai Tenggol. For the past 365 days, the militia raised and fed by certain political figures has become the face of the Manipur violence. They receive all forms of immunity from the government. Rather, they openly campaign and join hands with state forces in their attack against Kukis and their establishments.
When violence began on May 3, 2023, in Churachandpur, the state government did little to contain it from spreading. With no security measures taken up in Imphal, Biren allowed Kuki settlements in Imphal to go up in flames for the next three days. If Biren had acted fairly, the violence could have stopped right then. Video footage showed policemen leading members of Arambai Tenggol and mobs in attacking a Kuki colony, Haokip Veng, which is 200 metres away from the Chief Minister’s Bungalow and Police Headquarters (PHQ).
Rather than controlling the situation by maximising security presence and arming them with necessary powers, the chief minister stripped all Kuki police officers, including the then Director General, from active assignments.
Until today, the chief minister has not stopped the sectarian politics of Arambai Tenggol. He made Meitei interests the state agenda. Any opposition to his views is taken as a betrayal to Meitei society. The physical assault of two state legislators by the Arambai Tenggol at Kangla is self-revealing.
Meiteis’ idea of Manipur
A Meitei-centric idea of Manipur is another reason which engulfs the state with violence. Meities, Kukis and Nagas have maintained shared relations against British colonialism and their accession to the state of India. In the last few years, however, collective contributions towards Manipur in its past were gradually forgotten. This has given rise to a new generation which accepts a single version of history and reject all others. Such a school of thought has accepted Manipur as a land which only belongs to Meiteis and its close allies, whom they call ‘indigenous’. It challenges all other versions of Manipur history as fabricated. In this process, Kukis are presented as ‘non-indigenous’ – so less citizens of Manipur.
Manipur as a state with its present boundaries came into existence under British rule. By virtue of Imphal being a centre of colonial power, control over the hills began to be asserted over time. No Naga organisation or Kuki body would agree to the claim that they were under the control of the Meitei kings before the coming of the British. There were alliances forged between Meitei kings and tribal chiefs, but that does not turn the latter into subjects. Colonial accounts do mention that the larger part of the hill areas were independent, and the Manipur kings wielded little control over the hills.
The above statement does not mean to belittle Manipur’s past, rather it is an attempt to set the record straight on who truly are the people of Manipur. The idea of who is ‘indigenous’ and who is not has plunged Manipur into chaos. It is not an external force posing a threat to Manipur; more dangerous is the idea of a ‘New Manipur’ which attacks one of the three key stakeholders responsible for peace and integrity in the state.
A brief reflection
If the last 365 days of Manipur violence is used as a yardstick to measure India’s capability in dealing with its internal affairs, it has miserably failed to bring together diverse and pluralistic ideals. Rather than encouraging the collective participation of all responsible stakeholders, the state government chooses to frame polices and act unilaterally.
The majority of the people in Manipur saw each other as a threat. The fight has become one to determine who should settle in Manipur and who should not. For a population harbouring such an ideology, what has happened to Manipur is not surprising. However, all forms of atrocities by state and non-state actors in the last 365 days are carried out with noble stated causes, such as a ‘war on drugs’, ‘checking illegal immigrations’ and ‘protection of forests’. Time will tell what good this war has done for Manipur – or whether it is only responsible for the end of its long-shared heritage.
Haoginlen Chongloi is interested in northeast history, ethnic relations and conflict resolutions. He can be reached at lienchongloi@gmail.com.