Godmen, like Fascist Leaders, Feed on Fear and Propaganda 

The news of a stampede at a satsang in Hathras on July 2, 2024, which claimed the lives of 123 people, mostly women, shocked the nation. The event was organised by self-styled godman Bhole Baba, aka Narayan Sakar Hari, formerly Suraj Pal Jatav, an ex-police constable belonging to a major Dalit caste, the same as Bahujan Samaj Party supremo Mayawati’s. There are conflicting reports whether he was terminated from service some 28 years ago after allegations of a rape against him or had taken voluntary retirement under the VRS scheme of the Uttar Pradesh government as he claimed. Regardless, he faces at least five criminal cases, including molestation, filed in various places.

Suraj Pal lives in a lavish ‘Pravas Ashram’ on 21 bighas of land along the Aligarh-GT Road, complete with five-star facilities and a large garage for his luxury cars. His network includes 24 ashrams and assets estimated at Rs 100 crore, managed through several charitable trusts, commonplace legal vehicles to amass huge wealth, which are overseen by the Shri Narayan Hari Sakar Charitable Trust. Given that his followers are poor and illiterate people belonging to Dalit and Other Backward Class communities, how he amassed his riches is a mystery.

When appearing before his devotees, he dons a crisp white three-piece suit, tie, and fashionable eyeglasses, and rides in a white Toyota Fortuner. His convoy, led by commandos on powerful motorcycles, ensures a clear path. Secrecy is strictly maintained in his ashrams, with photography or recording prohibited. His followers believe he has divine powers, including the ability to raise the dead. The stampede reportedly occurred as devotees rushed to collect the earth under his footsteps. Everything looks so incredible!

Commonplace profile of godmen

But this is a commonplace profile of most contemporary Babas in India, operating at various scales. They come from unlikely backgrounds, live a lavish lifestyle, are funded by rich charitable trusts with shady sources of money, maintain their private army that ensures security as well secrecy, have the backing of political bigwigs and are holy men until some scandal breaks out and they are exposed to the public gaze. While relatively unknown outside the districts where his ashrams are located, Bhole Baba gained national attention because of the above tragic incident.

Also read: ‘He Is Not at Fault’: Bhole Baba’s Strongest Defenders Are the Hathras Stampede’s Victims

Some more famous Babas who got exposed include Asaram Bapu (convicted of rape and other crimes), Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh (convicted of murder and other serious crimes), Ichchadhari Sant Swami Bhimanand Ji Maharaj Chitrakoot Wale (arrested for running a high-profile sex racket, he owned assets worth nearly Rs 2,500 crore), Rampal (convicted and accused of multiple serious crimes), Chandraswami aka Nemi Chand Jain (accused of financial irregularities and other crimes), Swami Sadachari (jailed for allegedly running a brothel), Kripalu Maharaj (accused of rape and molestation), Devanathan (exposed for engaging in sexual acts while devotees waited outside), and Swami Amrita Chaitanya (convicted of raping minors and a young woman).

This in no way is an exhaustive list. Controversy dogs even the high-profile figures, such as Shri Shri Ravi Shankar (facing allegations of flouting environmental norms) and Jaggi Vasudev aka Sadhguru (known for giving stock trading tips, he denies allegations of unauthorised construction and his foundation denies that six people are missing from its yoga centre). Then there is Nithyananda of the ‘Kailasa’ (facing multiple charges, including rape). The list of such godmen and their exploits may be endless.

Asking pertinent questions

Following the Hathras tragedy, the Uttar Pradesh police filed an FIR against the organisers of the satsang, accusing them of concealing evidence, exceeding permitted capacity, and failing to cooperate with the authorities. The FIR states that the organisers sought permission for 80,000 attendees but allowed over 2.5 lakh people, hampering crowd control. The FIR names the organisers but significantly omits the godman, Bhole Baba, mentioned in the initial complaint.

The pertinent question is how the administration, which often denies permission to activists’ small meetings around constitutional issues concerning people, allows such large gatherings that pose public safety risks. Even the permitted 80,000 attendees is not an insignificant number, to be left to the organisers to manage. The administration is primarily responsible for ensuring order and answerable for public safety. It cannot simply blame the organisers; the administration is equally, if not more, responsible for turning the blind eye to the numbers going more than three times it permitted.  

A more fundamental question concerns the activities of these Babas, which violate the Constitution’s directive (Article 51A) that mandates the state to promote scientific temper. Babas claim divine powers, propagate faith healings, promote myths and engage in anti-democratic practices, which are contrary to constitutional and scientific principles. Their activities cannot be condoned under the ground of freedom of religion as they do not qualify as legitimate religions.

Also read: Backstory: The Hathras Stampede and the Growing Shadow of Irrationality

The answer lies in the bitter fact that they are directly or indirectly patronised by the politicians. Babas consolidate disparate voters into blind followers, making it economical for politicians to gain support through their agency. No politician would want to lose this advantage. In this case, the BJP tried to link Samajwadi Party with Bhole Baba. It is the structural defect of Indian democracy that all political parties, regardless of their ideology, behave similarly vis-à-vis voters, differing only in scale and resources. Even communist parties may avoid overtly opposing Babas for the fear of alienating voters as the congregations intersect their working-class constituency. At the other extreme is obviously the BJP, which overtly supports these Babas.

Over the last 10 years, during the Modi raj, we have umpteen times seen Babas and Buwas being given prominence in state matters. For instance, during the inauguration of the new Parliament building, the constitutional head of state, the President, was conspicuously absent, while sadhus, saints and Babas were given a prominent place. It was as though they were blessing Modi’s coronation as emperor of India, symbolically bearing the sengol, which was the symbol of feudatory monarchy of the Cholas of South India. This pattern of promoting Hindu religious figures in state matters is brazenly anti-Constitution. A stark example is when the Punjab and Haryana High Court criticised Prime Minister Modi and Haryana chief minister M.L. Khattar for allowing a crowd of around 100,000 of Ram Rahim Singh’s followers to gather and riot outside a courtroom, calling it “a political surrender just to allure the vote bank”.

The government’s failure to curb the influence of such figures, despite constitutional obligations, underscores a structural defect in Indian democracy.

Why do people follow godmen?

People often follow so-called godmen for a variety of psychological reasons:

1. Search for meaning and purpose: Individuals seek deeper meaning in life, and godmen offer simple, compelling narratives that provide direction.
2. Fear and anxiety: In times of fear or anxiety, people turn to godmen for reassurance, as they claim to have special powers to alleviate these fears.
3. Need for belonging: Followers find a sense of community and social support among other devotees.
4. Authority and charisma: Godmen project confidence and certainty, appealing to those who feel uncertain or insecure.
5. Social proof: Seeing others follow a godman creates a bandwagon effect, making individuals more likely to join.
6. Cognitive dissonance: Once committed, followers may double down on their beliefs to reduce discomfort from contradictory evidence.
7. Crisis situations: Personal or societal crises make individuals more susceptible to influence as they seek solutions.
8. Relief from guilt and shame: Godmen offer rituals or teachings promising forgiveness or cleansing from past mistakes.
9. Desire for miracles and supernatural solutions: Many are drawn to promises of miracles or supernatural solutions to their problems.
10. Manipulation and exploitation: Some godmen use psychological manipulation and exploitation tactics to gain and maintain followers.
11. Identity and status: Following a godman can become a key part of an individual’s identity, conferring status within the community.
12. Cultural and religious context: In cultures with a strong tradition of spiritual leaders, people are more predisposed to follow godmen.

The above broadly signify environmental factors, whether causal or inducers. It is for this reason that the Constitution mandated the states to promote universal education and develop a scientific temper, humanism and the spirit of inquiry and reform. The Constitution makers were aware of the cultural and religious context that was conducive to the influence of godmen and feudal autocrats. Consequently, they expected that the states would make and implement policies to weaken this context and promote rational thinking in people. However, successive governments have largely ignored the Directive Principles, except the cow protection clause (Article 48).

Also read: The Sengol Is a Symbol of ‘Divine Right’ to Power. It Does Not Belong in Parliament.

Despite this neglect, rational thinking was valued during the early post-colonial decades. However, from the 1990s, neoliberal reforms attacked rational thinking. These reforms deepened economic crises, making people vulnerable and more likely to seek solace in occult powers, boosting the influence of godmen and right-wing political forces. The rise of the BJP, from its dilapidated state in the mid-1980s to capturing power at the Centre in the 1990s, testifies to this process. This process is visible the world over, which has seen the rise of right wing extremist forces and, alongside, the regressive revival of religio-cultural modes. Globalisation has made the world more religious and religions more political. As people become more economically interconnected, they become more conscious of their religious and civilizational heritage and more xenophobic of others. This has benefited religious figures and, often, those who incite conflict and violence in the name of faith.

Since 2014, with the BJP gaining absolute majority under Narendra Modi, who was groomed in right-wing ideology and had proven his prowess as a chief minister, the influence of godmen has taken an ugly turn. Backed by global capital and the largest civil society organisation, Modi grabbed control of the state apparatus, turned the media into his trumpeter, and projected himself as a protector of cultural legacy (virasat) and development (vikas). It actually meant the cultural legacy (largely imagined) of the orthodox Hindus and goals such as Ram Mandir and temple corridors; and development referred to flashy flyovers, roads, airports, Vande Bharat trains, and the Parliament building, all for a small rich minority. He himself donned saintly robes, projected himself as a devout Hindu, and assumed a sovereign, even divine, persona, revelling in hordes of followers.

Godmen and fascist leaders

Since 2014, India has seen a growing blend of faith and politics, with the lines blurring between godmen and the supreme leader. There are astounding examples of his bhakts right from the first term when he unleashed huge hardship on the lower strata of people with the irrational demonetisation. The people standing in serpentine queues to exchange their meagre savings in to-be-outlawed currency would forget their own pain and reiterate his ‘Mann Ki Baat’ that they would not mind suffering for the sake of the nation. Or later, people would voice their unshaking faith in him saying that even if petrol became Rs 5,000 a litre, they would still vote for Modi.

Comparing godmen, who sell spiritual wares, and fascist leaders, who sell nationalism and cultural superiority, reveals several psychological and sociological similarities and explains the current phenomenon. Both types of leaders leverage human emotions and societal dynamics to attract and maintain followers. Here are some key points of comparison:

1. Both use charismatic authority: Both godmen and fascist leaders project themselves as possessing unique knowledge or strength—godmen as enlightened beings and fascist leaders as embodiments of national strength and cultural purity.
2. Both promise solutions: Godmen offer spiritual solutions to personal problems, promising peace, prosperity, and health. Fascist leaders promise societal solutions, such as economic revival, national pride, security, and cultural restoration.
3. Both create in-group vs. out-group: Godmen create a devoted in-group of followers versus non-believers. Fascist leaders create in-groups based on identity (race, ethnicity, religion) and vilify out-groups (minorities, political opponents) as threats.
4. Both manipulate fear and anxiety: Godmen exploit personal fears about health and the future, promising protection through spiritual guidance. Fascist leaders exploit societal fears about economic instability and cultural erosion, promising security through authoritarian policies.
5. Both appeal to emotions: Godmen use stories of miracles and transformations to create hope and belonging. Fascist leaders use patriotic rhetoric and propaganda to stir pride, anger, and unity.
6. Both offer simplistic solutions: Godmen offer supernatural solutions to complex personal issues. Fascist leaders offer simplistic, often extreme, solutions to societal problems, blaming specific groups.
7. Both claim exclusivity and special status: Godmen claim exclusive spiritual insights, creating a special status for followers. Fascist leaders claim exclusive knowledge of the nation’s path, granting their followers a special status as defenders of national identity.
8. Both build a cult of personality:  Godmen build a cult around their spiritual identity, becoming central figures in their followers’ lives. Fascist leaders build a cult around their political identity, becoming central to the nation’s identity.
9. Both unleash economic exploitation: Godmen financially exploit followers by selling spiritual wares and events. Fascist leaders exploit national resources and economic structures to benefit themselves and their cronies, often harming the general population.
10. Both make use of propaganda: Godmen use religious propaganda, including testimonies and sermons, to reinforce their authority. Fascist leaders use political propaganda, media control, and national symbols to reinforce their political authority and attract supporters.

The Hathras incident has much to impel us to introspect on the state of the nation and citizens!

Anand Teltumbde is former CEO, PIL, professor, IIT Kharagpur and GIM, Goa; writer and civil rights activist.