Faisal Mahmud 
Bangladesh’s quota reform protests have rapidly evolved in just three days, transforming into a wider movement. This leaderless movement now seems to have a deeper purpose: a demand for systemic change to address the country’s long-standing issues.
Initially, it started to reform a quota system in the coveted government jobs, as a 30% quota for the family members of freedom fighters from the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War was causing concern among students and job seekers, who believe it limits their opportunities. They also question the accuracy of the beneficiary list and suspect unfair advantages for some individuals.
This quota system, previously abolished in 2018 due to widespread protests, was reinstated by a high court order in June, reigniting anger and frustration among young people seeking employment.
Ordinary Bangladeshis, those without direct political ties but with some political awareness, were initially sceptical of this quota protest. They faced rising inflation and the soaring costs of essential goods, so news of protests disrupting traffic in the capital was met with indifference at first.
Over the past fifteen years of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s leadership, even significant protests organised by the main political opposition, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), were met with severe brutality.
That’s not all. The Awami League has been able to efficiently portray the BNP as “Ogni Sontrashi” (arson terrorists), creating a stigma that significantly undermined the BNP’s influence and social standing.
In 2018, two more large-scale protests emerged: first, the quota reform movement, followed closely by the road safety movement, all occurring just weeks before the national election. The Awami League successfully quelled these student-led protests as well.
So, the second phase of quota reform protests at Dhaka University, which started at the beginning of July, led some to believe that it was a deliberate distraction orchestrated by the government.
They speculated that the government’s intention was to shift focus away from more critical issues, such as Bangladesh’s rail transit to India, allegations of corruption involving high-ranking officials, and the country’s dwindling foreign reserves.
This suspicion arose due to the Awami League government’s perceived ability to manipulate public opinion and control the media narrative, given their influence over most mainstream media outlets.
However, everything changed with an untimely press conference by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.
Photo: Nazmul Islam.
Sheikh Hasina’s faux pas
Throughout her decades in power, Hasina has been known for her unwavering engagement with the media. Regularly scheduling press conferences after significant local events and foreign trips, she has never shied away from any question thrown at her.
Yet, there’s a significant caveat: the journalists in attendance often treat her with reverence, portraying her almost as royalty and rarely posing questions that challenge her beyond her usual comfort zone.
And Hasina had always been accommodating to their inquiries, her responses delivered with a relaxed, often unrestrained manner that some find amusing yet simultaneously disrespectful.
However, this Sunday’s press conference presented a different scene. She appeared visibly fatigued and worn out.
Having just returned from a shortened trip to China where she failed to secure much-needed financial assistance for Bangladesh’s struggling economy, Hasina’s demeanour was notably affected.
When questioned about the ongoing quota reform movement, she committed a blunder. She invoked the dichotomy of pro-liberation and anti-liberation forces – a narrative championed by her and her party over the past decade and which had garnered significant political leverage – when discussing the students.
Her actual statement was: “If the grandchildren of the freedom fighters don’t get quotas, then should the grandchildren of Razakars [Pakistani collaborators] get quotas? That is my question.”
The student protesters reacted strongly to her remarks. Within hours of the press conference, students across various universities stormed out of their dormitories, chanting slogans such as “Who are you? Who are you? I am Razakar, I am Razakar.”
In Bangladesh, “Razakar” is an extremely derogatory term, akin to “quisling” in the Western world. It refers to individuals who collaborated with the Pakistani military during Bangladesh’s 1971 liberation war, betraying their nation and its cause.
The students were deeply offended by Prime Minister Hasina’s categorisation, to the extent that they openly mocked her by identifying themselves as Razakars. Their chants included another line: “Says who … says who … the government … the autocrat”. They were directly labeling Hasina an “autocrat”.
Photo: Nazmul Islam.
Mayhem breaks out
What ensued over the next 48 hours was utter chaos. Armed members of the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), the student wing of the Awami League, accompanied by police, initially brutally attacked the protesting students.
When the students fought back, both police and BCL activists resorted to firing, resulting in the deaths of six individuals.
One student from Rangpur University, Abu Sayeed, who was the first victim of police violence on Tuesday, has now become a symbol of the protest. The image of Sayeed bravely facing police violence and succumbing to gunshot wounds to his chest has become emblematic of the ongoing demonstrations.
Public and student outrage has reached a boiling point, extending beyond the initial demand for quota reform. By Wednesday morning, after the government announced the closure of all educational institutions, students at Dhaka University, the epicentre of the protest, refused to vacate the campus.
They stood defiant, demanding far more than quota reform. They now say they are seeking a complete overhaul of the system, the restoration of their voting rights lost through three consecutive disputed elections, and recognition as equal citizens in a democracy, not mere subjects under “authoritarian” rule.
Above all, they say they want to reclaim the dignity that they believe the people of Bangladesh collectively have lost during Sheikh Hasina’s tenure.
Faisal Mahmud is an award-winning Dhaka-based journalist. He is the recipient of Jefferson fellowship and Konrad Adenauer Stiftung Fellowship.