The pro-monarchy protest that took place in Nepal’s capital on March 9 stirred domestic politics as well as drew considerable attention from the international media. Former King Gyanendra Shah was welcomed by thousands of supporters upon his return from Pokhara, a tourist city in western Nepal where he had spent a week. His supporters escorted him from the airport to his private residence in central Kathmandu.
The protests in Kathmandu were followed by demonstrations in other parts of the country.
The sizable presence of monarchy supporters prompted Nepal’s major political parties to defend the current federal republican system, which was introduced in 2008 and enshrined in the 2015 constitution.
While mainstream parties stand firmly against restoring the monarchy, fringe groups, Hindu outfits and some organisations advocate for its revival, alongside the reinstatement of Nepal as a Hindu state. Among them are the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) led by Rajendra Lingden, Rastriya Prajatantra Party Nepal led by Kamal Thapa and several Hindu organisations.
These groups are working separately to mobilise a street movement. The demand for Nepal to be declared a Hindu state has broader support than the call for restoring the monarchy, as strong sentiment in favour of a Hindu state exists even within major parties such as the Nepali Congress, the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist-Leninist (CPN-UML) and the CPN (Maoist Centre).
Pro-monarchy protests are not a new phenomenon, but their momentum appears to be growing, fuelled by political instability, corruption, economic stagnation, job shortages and the large-scale migration of Nepali youth abroad.
Gyanendra and his supporters believe this is an opportune moment to intensify their movement. On Democracy Day (February 19), he urged citizens to unite for Nepal’s “defence, progress and prosperity”. He stated, “If we want to save the nation and maintain national unity, we call on all countrymen to support us.” His message galvanised supporters, leading to the recent protests demanding the monarchy’s return.
Nepal’s major political parties – the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Centre) and Madhes-based parties – strongly oppose the monarchy’s revival. While opposition parties criticise the government’s performance, all parliamentary parties are united in rejecting monarchism.
They have responded to the protests with strongly worded statements, insisting that any attempt to reinstate the monarchy is unacceptable.
Some have even challenged Gyanendra to form a political party and contest elections if he seeks a return to power.
However, the former king has not addressed these criticisms.
Gyanendra waves upon his arrival at the Tribhuvan International Airport in Kathmandu on March 9. Photo: AP/PTI.
CPN (Maoist Centre) chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal went so far as to reference the 2001 royal massacre, suggesting that the Nepali people know its true mastermind – an apparent accusation directed at Gyanendra.
The 239-year-old monarchy’s abolition in 2008 by the Constituent Assembly followed years of political turmoil. Even before the formal transition, Nepal was declared a secular state without any referendum or public consultation.
A section of the population has since opposed both the monarchy’s removal and the secular designation, arguing that such monumental changes were imposed without democratic legitimacy.
In the 2013 Constituent Assembly elections, the pro-monarchy RPP won 24 out of 601 seats. Today, Rajendra Lingden’s RPP holds 14 out of 275 seats in parliament, indicating that a section of the population continues to support the monarchy and a Hindu state.
The March 9 protests are thus not unprecedented, and previous large demonstrations occurred in 2021 and 2023.
Widespread disillusionment, ‘conspiracies’ around Gyanendra create consternation
However, this latest protest has unnerved Nepal’s major political parties. There are several reasons for their concern.
First, political leaders fear that pro-monarchy forces could capitalise on widespread public frustration and disillusionment. Social media trends suggest that sentiment against legacy political parties are at an all-time high – even among their own cadre. Political leaders worry that mass mobilisation could pressure them into making political concessions, drawing comparisons with recent political upheavals in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.
Second, Nepal’s political elite often subscribes to conspiracy theories, suspecting foreign involvement in domestic movements. Many believe external forces may be encouraging Gyanendra’s resurgence, a fear that has persisted since the 2015 constitution was adopted. Any visit by the former king, whether domestic or international, is viewed with suspicion.
While there is no concrete evidence of external backing, there is speculation that certain Hindu nationalist groups in India support the pro-monarchy and Hindu-state movements in Nepal. Gyanendra has met Indian leaders, including Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath, who has expressed support for a Hindu monarchy in Nepal.
In October 2023, Gyanendra’s visit to Bhutan also sparked speculation in political circles.
Adding to the anxiety is the rise of new political parties and independent leaders who do not adhere to traditional ideological lines. These figures, popular among Nepal’s youth, are primarily critical of mainstream parties. The fear is that such political actors, despite their lack of a clear stance on monarchy, could lend support to the movement, further destabilising the political landscape.
But chances of major upheaval currently low
Despite these concerns, the likelihood of major political change through street protests remains low. There are several reasons for this.
First, pro-monarchy forces are fragmented and lack a unified strategy. While Gyanendra has offered tacit support to various groups, he has not explicitly declared a campaign to restore the monarchy beyond his Democracy Day message. Even the parties leading street demonstrations acknowledge that their movement alone is unlikely to overturn the current system. Instead, they seek a negotiated settlement between political parties and the monarchy.
Second, nearly two-thirds of lawmakers in the 275-member House of Representatives support the current constitution. As long as parliament remains functional, there is little chance of a coup or an institutional push for monarchy’s revival. Despite internal differences, ruling and opposition parties stand together in countering pro-monarchy forces. If necessary, parties in parliament still have a capacity to bring thousands of people to the street in defence of the current political system.
Gyanendra may be quietly working to restore the monarchy, but he appears reluctant to directly confront the government. He knows that if protests escalate into violence, parliament could take legislative action to curb his influence. In 2008, he vacated the palace without resistance, recognising that defying the Constituent Assembly’s decision would have forced him into exile. Now, he seems cautious about provoking a crackdown.
While he may hope for a spontaneous public uprising demanding the monarchy’s return, such a scenario is unlikely. Gyanendra lacks the popularity of his elder brother, Birendra, who was assassinated in the 2001 royal massacre. Moreover, Gyanendra is viewed more as a political figure than a monarch, having directly ruled Nepal between 2001 and 2006 in defiance of democratic parties.
The recent protests serve as a wake-up call for Nepal’s political establishment. If mainstream parties fail to address public frustration and declining trust in governance, pro-monarchy forces will continue to gain traction, potentially threatening the 2015 constitution.
For now, however, they do not pose an immediate challenge to Nepal’s federal republican system.
