This is the third part of a three-part article series based on field essays penned down by the Visual Storyboard team of the Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES), O.P. Jindal Global University, working in Kashmir for a manuscript project focusing on new subaltern voices of communities from the Valley. This series highlights observations made in the team’s interviews with ‘Watals’ in Sheikh Colonies. Read the first and second parts.
Located in the vibrant urban landscape of Srinagar, Kashmir, there exists a community known as the Sheikh community, also referred to as Watals. As explored in previous articles (read here and here), this group has endured significant marginalisation and prejudice, yet they remain steadfast, embodying resilience and determination. The final part delves into the unwavering spirit of the Sheikhs as they resist and persevere in their efforts to safeguard and promote their identity despite facing onslaughts from both mainstream communities and the state apparatus.
The Sheikh Colony, called Watal Colony by the socio-economic upper class, serves as a testament to the challenges and successes of a marginalised community that has been excluded from mainstream society.
Despite the negative implications associated with their name, the Sheikhs have resolutely asserted their sense of identity, advocating for acknowledgement and respect. The Sheikh community, by virtue of their steadfast determination and ability to endure, actively contests the prevailing norms, so reshaping the prevailing narrative surrounding marginalisation and prejudice. The impact of their voices extends beyond the boundaries of their colony, resonating with a compelling message of resilience and optimism amidst challenging circumstances.
Identity and marginalisation
The individuals within the community exhibit an evident hesitation towards the word “Watals” since they perceive it to be pejorative owing to its association with filthy language.
“Sheikh is good. Watul becomes a bit derogatory (wyoth). Saying Sheikh makes us feel like we belong to the larger society. Otherwise, it becomes very derogatory, and people look down upon us when we are referred to as Watul”, replied one of our respondents when we asked them about the word “Watul”. Another respondent added, “Watal is someone who is backward and inferior. Calling us Sheikh is better. Being called Watal becomes too “other”. Also, calling it Sheikh colony is preferred”.
The members strongly object to the upper class’s identification of their colony as “Watal Colony” and instead advocate for the usage of “Sheikh Colony” to accurately represent their desired identity. The community’s reluctance to employ the term “Watal” has prompted them to embrace the phrase “Watanwoul” as a substitute, denoting a carer or protector.
One of the respondents added, “Actually, it’s not Watal but Watan Woul (one who takes care). We hide people’s dirt. Ist not right to say it. Watul means someone without proper etiquette and knowledge. One who has a bad behaviour”.
Another respondent added, “Actually, watal is WATANWOUL. People call it ignorantly. Where I work, people respect me a lot. Watanwoul is one who covers the filth on the roads. We sometimes get hurt when they call us watal; we think ourselves to confront those who call us like that. But we humbly keep ourselves shut.”
Also read: Urban Marginalisation in Kashmir: The Vulnerabilities of ‘Watals’ in Sheikh Colonies of Srinagar
The members strongly object to the upper class’s identification of their colony as “Watal Colony” and instead advocate for the usage of “Sheikh Colony” to accurately represent their desired identity.
On being asked about calling the colony by the name of Watal Colony, one of our respondents, with anger in his eyes said, “This is called Sheikh Colony. Those who call it Watal Colony have their own principles. Nobody says it in front of us. They say this name behind our backs. You don’t call a blind person blind; you tell them what’s wrong with your eye. But as soon as he leaves, people call him blind behind his back. It’s the same. Allah has not made us into Watal, Sheikh, Mir, Peer, or Dar. He has made all of us as equals. These castes are made by man himself. People refer to it as Sheikh Colony when we are around. Even they don’t say Sheikh colony infront of us. Why would they say.. doesn’t a Sheikh share the same Kalima as others? “Sheikhas cha ledur khoon, Tas chuna wozul? (does a sheikh have yellow blood, doesn’t he have red blood?).”
It is worth mentioning that not all individuals affiliated with the Sheikh caste inherently participate in cleaning and scavenging endeavours, yet all of them are seen as the ones who do this job. The community exhibits a range of reactions to the utilisation of the term “Watal,” encompassing indications of anxiety and previous traumatic experiences, as well as manifestations of wrath or emotional turmoil.
One of the respondents added, “This has become our default occupation now. We have not worked in SMC but our caste is attached to this profession only. We can’t escape it, even if it is. Is it bad or wrong to clean someone else’s waste? We have its reward with Allah, and this is also our means of income. For us, this isn’t anything offensive. This isn’t a dirty job. This is one’s own job. If we don’t clean, the whole city will stink.”
Despite the prevailing cultural stigma surrounding their caste status, a significant number of Sheikh persons exhibit a strong sense of pride in their vocation and actively oppose any efforts to modify their caste classification.
The opposition observed is driven by a strong inclination to question and repudiate the negative narrative propagated by the privileged social stratum, which aims to depict them as impure or subordinate. Sheikh community members protect their dignity and autonomy by preserving their caste identity, hence rejecting outsider efforts to impose negative stereotypes on them. They assert their work’s intrinsic worth and honour, perceiving it as a noble pursuit that deserves admiration and acknowledgement.
One of the respondents added, “We won’t ever change our caste. We clean the city and we are proud of it. We hide people’s filth. If we pay attention to upper-class people’s behaviour towards us, then no one would do this kind of work.”
Another respondent added, “The upper class wants to create a bad and humiliating image of our work, and we won’t let them do it. It’s their filthy mentality. If we change our caste for any other reason, then what upper-class people say about us becomes true. They say we are dirty people, but do we consider ourselves dirty.? NO. Every human cleans their own dirt, but we sheikhs also clean the dirt of others. We will be rewarded for this in hereafter, and we will be having fragrance in paradise.”
Discrimination and social exclusion
The marginalisation of the community stems from biases based on caste and permeates several aspects of social interactions. The Sheikh community still experiences the long-lasting effects of historical marginalisation, such as restricted land and property access, resulting in widespread poverty. The economic deprivation is worsened by the previous practice of assigning Sheikhs to low-skilled housekeeping jobs, limiting their career progression chances. Despite individuals’ pursuit of higher education, institutional and social constraints impeded their ability to adopt different professions.
One of the respondents said that her neighbour, despite obtaining a professional degree, had substantial challenges in the field, finally leading them to seek a job as an autorickshaw driver due to systemic marginalisation. The present scenario can be interpreted as a failure of Sheikh Abdullah’s Land Reform, which proved insufficient in granting land ownership rights to the Sheikh community. While on the one hand all the community members accept that “Sheikh Sahib” had allowed them to settle in the colony temporarily, they have not been given the rights to the land they inhabit. Certain interpretations propose a purposeful disregard to hinder Sheikhs from expanding into other professions, prolonging their dependence on low-skilled work and maintaining the demand for cleaning services in the metropolis.
On the other front where the explicit bias has decreased, hidden or indirect manifestations continue to exist, resulting in unequal treatment based on caste. Although there may be outward demonstrations of politeness, there are evident biases and discriminatory attitudes that contribute to a widespread feeling of being treated unequally within the community. Therefore, the prejudice against Sheikhs has not disappeared but instead evolved, taking on more nuanced manifestations that persistently marginalise the community. One of our respondents added, “They don’t get along with us. They are Peers, you know. We are separate from them. They don’t mingle with us. Rarely do we greet each other.”
Another respondent narrating incidents of discrimination her daughter faced said, “They look down on us. My daughter, who studies in the 12th class, sometimes complains that she feels inferior while residing in this colony. She suggested that we should migrate from this place. But I made her understand that what we are, we will be called like that. We are sheikhs, and it will remain so. We won’t become Mir by migrating to other places. She studies in a government girls’ higher secondary school ( got emotional while answering this). We have no contact with them. We are self-reliant. In our Mohalla, there is a sense of community. Suppose if something happens to me, my neighbours would rush to help me. A sense of community in this Mohalla prevents people from leaving this place.”
Resistance and agency
The history of prejudice against the Sheikh community extends for more than a century, continuing to exist despite the passage of time. Despite facing substantial socio-economic obstacles such as poverty, restricted prospects, and systemic prejudice from the dominant community, individuals belonging to the Sheikh community have exhibited remarkable fortitude amid hardship. They have overcome these hurdles by employing various strategies, including assertive confrontation and silent endurance. One of the respondents added, “We sometimes get hurt when they call us watal; we think ourselves to confront those who call us like that. But we humbly keep ourselves shut”. Another respondent said, “We confront it in a calm manner and make others understand. I haven’t personally faced any discrimination.”
When faced with specific incidents of prejudice, individuals within a community frequently seek assistance and unity from their communal networks. These networks, which revolve around the Mohalla (local neighbourhood) and the masjid (mosque) committee, function as valuable resources for finding comfort and support in resolving conflicts and tackling social and economic forms of prejudice. The Sheikh community’s robust communal solidarity is crucial in assisting its members in navigating the challenging conditions they face.
Upon asking how they deal with the challenges of daily life, a female respondent said, “We deal with it by surviving. “Nare heund taas cxenaan zange te zange hund cxenaan nare”. What else can we do?” In instances of intra-community issues, it is customary to engage the mohalla president to serve as an arbitrator and help the resolution process. If these attempts are found to be inadequate, individuals may consider seeking assistance from law enforcement authorities. The Sheikh community’s collective response to prejudice and dedication to addressing difficulties peacefully within their social framework is exemplified by their dependence on community networks. This method has been useful in resisting the eviction by Srinagar Municipal Corporation.
Also read: Urban Marginalisation in Kashmir: The Everyday Struggles of Srinagar’s Sheikh Community
The Smart City Project has attracted considerable attention for the previous year, evoking both commendation and critique. One of its goals is to rejuvenate and safeguard heritage places, particularly redeveloping the ancient wall surrounding Koh I Maran Hill. Nevertheless, the Smart City project has incorporated suggestions to remove the Sheikh Community from their existing dwellings. However, the Sheikh Community has strongly opposed these eviction proposals, advocating for the allocation of appropriate land as a viable alternative. This scenario bears a resemblance to the experiences encountered by the Hanjis residing in the boatmen colony located in Bemina.
Many members accuse the dominant communities of eviction, specifically those residing in the Makhdhoomi Mohalla in close proximity to Tujgari Mohalla; a respondent said, “The upper-class people bring ministers for this purpose. When Kurshid Alam stood up for election, they (upper classes) told him in the marriage Hall (where the meeting was taking place) that we have affiliation with the National Conference, but we would give all votes to you if you evict sheikhs from this area.”
Conclusion
The account of the Sheikh community in Kashmir exemplifies a multifaceted interaction between historical prejudice, tenacity, and persistent obstacles. Despite enduring marginalisation for more than a century, the Sheikhs persistently encounter prejudice in diverse manifestations, encompassing explicit caste-based biases as well as hidden socio-economic inequalities. The community’s disparaging designation as “Watals” underscores the persistent stigma linked to their customary professions, such as cleaning and scavenging.
Nevertheless, in the face of these challenges, the Sheikh community demonstrates exceptional fortitude and defiance. They exhibit a strong sense of pride in their profession and steadfastly resist conforming to the detrimental stereotypes propagated by the privileged social group. Conversely, individuals place significant emphasis on the significance of their societal contributions and derive resilience from their communal connections in order to effectively overcome the challenges they encounter.
The persistent challenge of land rights and socio-economic justice is highlighted by the imminent risk of eviction resulting from urban development initiatives such as the Smart City project. The unwavering opposition of the Sheikh community to displacement exemplifies their resolute commitment to safeguarding their residences and cultural legacy.
In its entirety, the narrative of the Sheikh community in Kashmir stands as a tragic testament to the lasting impact of prejudice and the continuous struggle for respect, parity, and socio-economic advancement. Notwithstanding the difficulties they encounter, the Sheikhs remain steadfast, bound together by their common past and mutual ambitions for an improved future.
The authors would like to especially thank Irfa Anjum, Hamreen Khan and Rekha Pachauri for their invaluable support and assistance with field interviews in making this study possible. Video Essays from this project are accessible from here. Video Credits: Rajan Mishra
Deepanshu Mohan is Professor of Economics and Dean, IDEAS, Office of Interdisciplinary Studies, and Director, Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES), O.P. Jindal Global University. He is currently a Visiting Professor at the London School of Economics and a 2024 Fall Academic Visitor to Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies (AMES), University of Oxford. Khalid Wasim is an Assistant Professor, Central University of Kashmir. Dr Ishfaq Wani is a Senior Research Analyst, CNES and completed his Phd from Central University of Kashmir. Najam Us Saqib is a Research Analyst, CNES and is undertaking his Phd from Central University of Kashmir. Dr Rekha Pachauri teaches at Bennett University. Ifrah Anjum and Hamreen Khan are Research Analysts with CNES and completed their postgraduate studies in Kashmir.
