Pritam Singh 
There is another September 11 apart from September 11, 2001, that is historically of far more importance in understanding the conflict between capitalism and socialism. On September 11, 1973, a democratically elected socialist/Marxist government led by President Salvador Allende in Chile was overthrown in a military coup which the CIA admitted later that it had engineered.
Allende’s coming to power was the first historical example of a socialist/Marxist movement gaining success in country through democratic means in an election battle with the right-wing parties. This was in sharp contrast with the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, Chinese Revolution in 1949 and Cuban Revolution in 1959. Kerala in India in 1957 is generally cited as the first example of communists coming to power through the electoral process; but this victory, though very important, was confined to a state in a big country and did not have the same international significance as the Chilean success under Allende’s leadership. It was precisely this democratic Chileans path to socialism which scared the anti-socialist global establishment led by the US, and that too geographically so close to the US. The US was already trying to crush Cuba’s turn to socialism through economic blockades and military intrusions and threats.
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Chile’s turn to socialism was even more threatening to the US establishment than Cuba because of five reasons: one, it was an economically successful economy with very good resource base especially in copper, two, another socialist country in Latin America along with Cuba was seen as encouraging anti-American bloc in the US sphere of influence, third, the democratic Chilean path to socialism was seen by the US as a possible example to other countries in Latin America to follow the socialist path in contrast with doubts in those countries about following the Cuba style guerrilla path of armed capture of state power, fourth, very big multinational corporations in the US had long established business interests in Chile especially in copper, and fifth, Chile in addition to Cuba was seen as strengthening the Soviet sphere of influence in Latin America.
It is due to these reasons that the US started campaigns and strategies to unseat Allende from power. One of the first significant economic sabotage campaigns organised by the CIA was to finance the anti-socialist opposition to organise a nationwide strike by truck-drivers and shop keepers. Geographically, Chilean territory is characterised by length and very narrow in breadth. Therefore, the strike by the truck drivers crippled the transport system in the country. US blocked loans to Chile. The Richard Nixon-led administration in the US openly supported CIA led sabotage of Allende-led Chile and directed the CIA to make Chile’s economy scream. These sabotage campaigns gave push to shortages and high inflation. Allende still retained his popularity but also sought military support to his regime by bringing some military commanders into the government.
The programme of nationalisation of copper mines started by Allende’s government especially alarmed the US corporations and their allies in the US military and Chilean military. The nationalisation of copper mines was internally so popular in Chile that even the opposition supported it. The Allende government proceeded to issue a decree for state takeover of 150 large firms. Some left adventurist supporters of the government went on a spree of illegal seizure of many businesses, farms and even houses. This left adventurism caused unease with some sections of the middle class which had previously supported the Allende government’s measures of wage increases and expansion of public sector jobs. The country was getting increasingly polarised.
Rumours started circulating that military might stage a coup. Allende, despite being a militant, believed in the rule of law and trusted the Chilean constitution that military would remain neutral in political contestation. Many of his supporters held huge rallies in his support with a demand for weapons to defend his government. This led to unjustified and deliberate propaganda that his supporters were acquiring weapons for a military confrontation.
Finally, the military led by General August Pinochet staged the coup. The military entered the presidential place. Allende did not surrender and died fighting. It is still uncertain whether he shot himself or was killed by the army. He, however, managed to broadcast a seven-minute historically significant message to the nation: “I will not resign. I will repay the loyalty of the people with my life… Always remember that much sooner that later the great avenues along which free men pass to build a better society will once again be open.”
Fifteen years of military dictatorship (1973-1988) of Pinochet followed. This was one of the worst periods for human rights violations in any country. Chile entered a period of darkness. Trade unionists, academics, journalists, lawyers and students were arrested, tortured and disappeared. The military junta murdered 2,130 people and tortured at least 30,000, some very brutally, according to the investigations by democratic governments that came to power after 1988. The narratives I heard in Oxford from some victims of Pinochet’s terror regime, which was also very corrupt like all dictatorships, have been horrifying. Pinochet was eventually arrested in London in 1998 by an order passed by a great Spanish Judge Baltasar Garzon under an international law that anyone responsible for torture and disappearance of political prisoners in a country can be arrested even outside that country. This was a landmark case in strengthening the idea of universal jurisdiction for crimes against humanity.
Also read: The Day Chile and the Rest of Latin America Remember as Their 9/11
Pinochet died a disgraced man in 2011 while Allende has entered Chilean and global history as an icon of progress and justice. The current president of Chile, Gabriel Boric, paid homage on his day of inauguration to Allende at his statue in front of La Moneda, the presidential palace in the capital Santiago.
It will remain a very black spot in the US’s role in the international political order that it engineered this most dreadful military coup of a democratically elected leader. It is also a black spot in the history of the Chicago School of Economics, which led by Milton Freedman advised the dictator Pinochet to launch the neoliberal programme of privatisation and dismantling of the state’s role in providing public utilities. For the socialists in Chile and outside, Allende remains a source of inspiration while recognising that the new era of socialist vision must incorporate the ecological perspective in dealing with the threat of global climate change being hastened under capitalism. The eco-socialist vision must eschew the old socialist fascination with fast industrialisation and economic growth. Building a broader alliance of forces to forge a consensus for building a fairer, equitable and sustainable future of humanity would be the most appropriate way of paying homage to Allende and the thousands of socialist martyrs of Chile.
Pritam Singh is Professor Emeritus at Oxford Brookes Business School and the author of Economy, Culture and Human Rights.