US President Donald Trump’s imposition of import tariffs, brandished like a banner of liberation, is a manifestation of mob rule. He presented these tariffs to his supporters as America’s “Liberation Day,” a spectacle of populism trivialising complex economic principles to satisfy a base craving. This echoes the Capitol Hill insurrection of January 6, 2021 , where a mob, fuelled by Trump, assaulted democracy itself.

This decision to impose tariffs is a blow to the global economy, dismantling decades of progress towards free trade under the World Trade Organisation (WTO). While the benefits to America remain unclear, most experts have decried it as self-destructive. Trump manipulates technical issues to appease his followers, who, in their intoxication, fail to recognise the long-term consequences of their fervour.

The prospect of the US, the world’s oldest democracy, teetering on the brink of autocracy would have been unthinkable just two decades ago. Today, scholars around the world are grappling with the surge of threats to democracy, a phenomenon that confounds understanding.

Yet, nearly two centuries ago, a young French scholar, Alexis de Tocqueville, foresaw this potential unraveling. In 1831, Tocqueville arrived in the US, captivated by its burgeoning democracy. (It’s important to note that his observations primarily concerned the white population, as Native Americans were marginalised and Blacks were slaves)

He marvelled at the American spirit of independence and commitment to democratic values, particularly the belief in equality. He observed a vibrant individualism, where people were encouraged to think for themselves and solve problems independently, fostering innovation. While enamoured, Tocqueville also recognised a looming threat: the potential for the tyranny of the majority.

How could a nation of individualists succumb to such a fate? Tocqueville noted Americans’ active participation in public life, from town halls to local institutions, where decisions were made by majority rule. He saw a delicate balance between individualism and the willingness to defer to the majority. But he worried about the consequences if this balance were disrupted. Even the most independent minds could be seduced by the allure of conformity, sacrificing their critical faculties at the altar of popular opinion. This, Tocqueville warned, could endanger the freedom of minorities. Today, his fears have materialised in America, where majoritarianism threatens individual liberty.

Why now? There is one point on which political pundits seem to agree. The rise of economic inequality in recent decades has eroded the “American Dream,” fuelling discontent. Trump exploited this, portraying the world as having ‘looted, plundered, pillaged and raped” the US, justifying tariff walls.

The truth is that American prosperity has been built on open trade and its embrace of global talent. The current wave of majoritarianism threatens to reverse this, harming both the world and the US itself.

But majoritarianism is on the rise in many Western democracies, including India, where populist leaders exploit a sense of victimhood. While economic inequality is a factor in the West, what explains this phenomenon in India, where inequality has long been entrenched?

Could we expand Tocqueville’s lens to explore the appeal of majoritarianism in India today? The US, lacking a history of feudalism, presented a relatively simpler case to Tocqueville where individuals lacked servility and a constant need for validity. In contrast, India, steeped in feudal traditions and burdened by caste and economic disparities, fosters a sense of insecurity. Indians, he might argue, are prone to deferring to those perceived as successful, wealthy or high-status, and seeking their validation.

But why has majoritarianism peaked only now? Perhaps, Tocqueville would suggest, it is because the sudden advent of the internet and social media has created a superficial sense of equality, juxtaposing the opulent lives of the elite with the struggles of ordinary citizens. While this may create the illusion of closeness, it also exacerbates the underlying anxieties of inequality. Lacking the robust individualism Tocqueville observed in the US, Indians may seek security in majoritarianism, seeking validation from higher-status groups.

Turning a blind eye to harsh social and economic disparities, there is a tendency to target minority populations, seeking to elevate oneself by diminishing others. This, in turn, earns them approval from members of their own community who have benefited from long-established caste hierarchies. Could it not be argued that the allure of online animus lies, in part, in the fleeting illusion of parity it offers — a momentary levelling achieved through shared negativity?

Two centuries after his incisive analysis of the threats facing the world’s oldest democracy, Tocqueville might offer a similar warning about the dangers of majoritarianism in the world’s largest democracy.

Milind Murugkar writes on economic and social issues.